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Review of: Y a-t-il un âge pour travailler ? edited by François Hubault.

Examines critically the efforts of the Conservative government of Stephen Harper efforts to reshape the public symbols and representations of Canadian history, citizenship, and identity. Emphasizes the importance of the body of research on social history, as well as the understandings offered collectively by the social sciences and humanities.

This article is a critical review of "Constitutional Labour Rights in Canada: Farm Workers and the Fraser Case," by Fay Faraday, Judy Fudge and Eric Tucker.

This article examines some of Depression-era Canada’s most influential labour newspapers with the intent to show that their writers were deeply inspired by radical Christianity. While connected in many ways to earlier strands of working-class and leftist Christianity as typified by the social gospel, radical Christianity differs in the extent to which the roots of social dysfunction were acknowledged as being linked to the capitalist order, and the solution being in its destruction. In this way, one can find deep intellec­tual connections between the Canadian labour press and the members of the Fellowship of a Christian Social Order (FCSO). Thus, this article not only examines labour intellectuals in a Gramscian light, but seeks to challenge the claim among many historians that links between labour and Christianity col­lapsed before the Depression. Indeed, labour intellectuals sought to confront the prevailing hegemony of a capitalistic Christianity, not only by challeng­ing the links the institutional churches held with the economic elite but also through developing understanding of how capitalism played an intrinsic role in the creation of sin and suffering.

Amendments to the Ontario Human Rights Code that took effect in 2008 introduced a new hybrid direct access model, which allows complaints to be taken directly to the Human Rights Tribunal of Ontario without prior investigation by the province's Human Rights Commission, and which limits the Commission's role to the protection of the public interest through policy development and public education. The authors are of the view that there was inadequate cost-benefit analysis of the new model before it was implemented, and that the three-year period between the implementation of the new model and the preparation of the Pinto Report on its operation was not long enough to allow for a thorough analysis of how well the model was working. They argue that cost-benefit analysis is still needed to assess whether the model is meeting its policy goals and whether it is cost-effective and efficient. However, they acknowledge that one of the challenges in performing an analysis of a human rights regime lies in the dificulty of quantifying the regime's costs and benefits; it is hard, for example, to place a value on fictors such as access to justice. With an eye to the differences between the new Ontario model and the human rights regimes in other Canadian jurisdictions, the authors highlight a number of potential problems with the hybrid Ontario model that call for future research using a cost-benefit approach: the lack of Commission-initiated public interest cases; the risk that more non-meritorious cases will reach adjudication because of the lack of screening by the Commission; the shifting of the costs and other burdens of litigation to private parties; and the question of the effectiveness of the Legal Support Centre in helping to meet those burdens.

The title of CIRA's 50th anniversary conference -- From Theory and Research to Policy and Practice in Work and Employment -- has a nostalgic ring to it. You will recall, perhaps, that large numbers of people, who used to be known as "workers", were "employed" in something called "industry". Significant numbers of these workers joined organizations called "unions" that established collective "relations" with employers. Implausible as it now seems, governments were once so concerned about "industrial relations" (IR) that they sponsored a great deal of IR research and even conducted their own. The Task Force on Labour Relations, appointed in 1966, enlisted virtually every industrial relations and labour law scholar in the country; compiled shelves-full of ambitious studies; and made scores of recommendations, a surprising number of which ended up being adopted by one or another Canadian jurisdiction. --From author's keynote address

The article reviews the book, "Autonomous State: The Struggle for a Canadian Car Industry from OPEC to Free Trade," by Dimitry Anastakis.

Since the mid-1980s, the nonprofit social services sector has been promoted as an option for cheaper and more flexible delivery of services. In order to comply with government standards and funding requirements, the sector has been subject to ongoing waves of restructuring and the introduction of new private market-like, outcomes-based management models, such as New Public Management. This article explores ways in which nonprofit social services sector workers experience their work as highly fragmented. Drawing on case studies completed as part of a larger project addressing restructuring in the nonprofit social services sector in Scotland, New Zealand, Australia and Canada, we examine three key aspects shaping work in the nonprofit social services sector: 1) workers’ experience of managerialism; 2) gendered strategies drawn on by workers in the agencies studied; and 3) union strategies in the nonprofit social services sector, as well as within individual workplaces. Conclusions focus on contributions to understanding managerialism as a strong but fragmented project in which even weak union presence and the willingness of the predominantly female workforce to sacrifice to provide care for others ensure that some level of social solidarity endures.

This paper examines the impact of precarity on the nonprofit service providing sector (NPSS). Using in depth qualitative interviews, recent empirically-based surveys of the Ontario nonprofit sector and key academic and grey literature, we explore the deeper meaning of precarity in this sector. We contend that the NPSS is a unique, and in many respects, an ideal location in which to explore the workings and impact of precarity. Looking at the nonprofit sector reveals that precarity operates at various levels, the: 1) nonprofit labour force; 2) organization structure and operation of nonprofit agencies; and, 3) clients and communities serviced by these nonprofit organizations. By observing the workings of precarity in this sector, precarity is revealed to be far more than an employment based phenomenon but also a force that negatively impacts organizational structures as well as vulnerable communities.

In this study, we examine the effect of licensing requirements on the occupational mobility of highly skilled new immigrants in Canada using longitudinal data. We find that immigrants who worked in regulated professions in their home country, but unregulated fields in Canada, experienced significantly greater occupational downgrading than those who worked in unregulated professions prior to migration. Immigrants who worked in regulated fields in their home country who were able to find work in regulated fields in Canada did not experience any occupational downgrading after migration. Policy implications of these findings are discussed.

The article explores Canadian press coverage of the Paris Commune movement in France in 1871. Emphasis is given to the moral aspects of the insurrection in relation to Canadian nationhood and the political development of Canadian Confederation. The author examines newspaper accounts on topics such as the separation of church and state, the appropriation of church property, and the social behavior of women. Other topics include the differences between Anglophone and Francophone newspapers, the popularization of socialism, and moral condemnation.

Considering a series of oil-driven economic booms, the use of inter-provincial and international migrant labour has become an important part of labour market policy in the Canadian province of Alberta. The increased use of temporary foreign workers is controversial. Narrative analysis of legislators’ statements in the legislature and the press between 2000 and 2011 reveals the government using three narratives to justify policies encouraging greater use of foreign migrant workers: (1) labour shortages require migrant workers, (2) migrants do not threaten Canadian jobs and (3) migrants are not being exploited. Close scrutiny of each narrative demonstrates them to be largely invalid. This suggests a significant disconnect between the real and espoused reasons for the significant changes to labour market policy, changes that advantage employers and disadvantage both Canadian and foreign workers. The findings are relevant to understand the political dynamics of economically related migration.

Review of: Les avocates, les avocats et la conciliation travail-famille by Diane-Gabrielle Tremblay and Elena Masocva.

This article reviews the book, "A Small Price to Pay: Consumer Culture on the Canadian Home Front, 1939-45," by Graham Broad.

This article examines the determinants of public attitudes towards labour policy. Using public opinion data on labour standards and essential services legislation from a 2011 Saskatchewan survey, it finds that both self-interest factors (employment in the public sector, and union membership) and symbolic political factors (feelings towards the labour movement and partisanship) structure attitudes toward labour policy in Saskatchewan. Interestingly, the evidence indicates that self-interest may actually trump solidarity within the labour movement, as unionized private sector workers are no more likely than the general public to oppose essential services legislation. The results suggest that researchers should pay attention to both self-interest and symbolic political factors when attempting to understand the relationship between public policy and public opinion.

A small area procedure for a two-way table of proportions is developed, where the estimated proportions are from a complex survey. Estimation is difficult because the observed proportions do not have multinomial distributions, the observed proportions are correlated with estimated variances, benchmarking is required, and mean models are nonlinear. A predictor based on a nonlinear mixed model is specified for the proportions. No transformation of the observations is involved, and the estimation procedure gives predictions that are in the parameter space. A bootstrap estimator of the mean squared error of a benchmarked predictor is suggested and performed well in simulations. The procedure is applied to the proportions in the two-way table defined by occupations crossed with Canadian provinces. The direct estimators are from the Canadian Labour Force Survey (LFS), and the corresponding two-way table from the previous Canadian Census of Population provides auxiliary information. The application of the prediction procedure to the LFS data leads to gains in estimated mean squared errors relative to the direct estimators between approximately 30 percent and 80 percent. A comparison of the predictors to the Census 2006 proportions further supports the suggested procedures.

Working-time practices across the developed world have exploded with diversity during the past few decades. The once standard 8-hour day and 40-hour workweek that emerged and reigned throughout much of the 20th century have given way to an increasing variety of working-time arrangements. Flexible schedules, in which hours can vary daily or weekly, and nonstandard work arrangements, such as fixed term, on-call, temporary, or part-time, are widely used at the workplace. In addition, we have witnessed the growth of zero-hour contracts that make no guarantee to provide workers with weekly working hours or a reliable income, while requiring employees to work on very short notice with very unpredictable schedules; annualized hours contracts that allow for work hours to vary over a year; and working-time accounts that allow employees to bank hours worked over a set weekly standard and to then draw on these accounts for paid time off.

Cet article analyse les effets possibles des dépenses de formation formelle sur la productivité des entreprises canadiennes. Si certains travaux mesurent l’intensité de la formation en entreprise à partir de données longitudinales, les résultats obtenus demeurent partagés. Les différences observées dans les résultats antérieurs peuvent être expliquées notamment par les données disponibles, le type de formation, la mesure de formation et les biais techniques influençant cette relation. Cette recherche s’appuie essentiellement sur la théorie du capital humain.Notre étude s’appuie sur les données de l’Enquête sur les milieux de travail et les employés (EMTE) de Statistique Canada de 1999 à 2005, auprès d’un échantillon de 1621 emplacements où, nous modélisons la relation entre la formation et la productivité à l’aide d’une fonction de production Cobb-Douglas, en intégrant les investissements en capital physique et une variable technologique. Ceci nous permet de montrer que les dépenses de formation contribuent à accroître la performance des établissements, via la productivité, de façon progressive dans le temps. Ces dépenses effectuées au cours d’une année donnée influent significativement sur la productivité jusqu’à trois années plus tard, là où elles atteignent leur maximum d’effet, pour se stabiliser par la suite. Toutefois, ces résultats permettent de soulever un paradoxe : celui de la rentabilité observée des dépenses de formation d’un côté, mais, de l’autre, l’hésitation du monde des affaires à investir en cette matière pour leurs propres employés. Nos résultats suggérent également que les investissements en formation au sein des entreprises devraient être considérés davantage comme un atout, plutôt qu’une simple obligation financière à l’appui d’une stratégie globale de développement des compétences au sein des entreprises.