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At the current conjuncture, histories of Canadian Communism seem analytically stalled in a fruitless (if inadequately addressed) historiographic impasse, ordered by oppositions: Moscow domination vs. local autonomy; authoritarianism vs. the pursuit of social justice. We need to confront these experiences, not as dichotomies, but as related phenomena, developing our histories of Communism around more totalizing appreciations that encompass both sides of a seemingly divided logic of classification. Having myself tried to see beyond the limiting oppositions of the extant historiography, I will explore how certain historians seem unwilling to look past the conveniently counter-posed analyses of two existing schools of thought, labelled traditionalists/revisionists in the United States and essentialists/realists in the United Kingdom. As distortions of my own writing suggest, we have reached a point where it is both appropriate and necessary to be more rigorous and fair-minded in our characterization of the historiography. --Introduction

This essay is an attempt to outline recent trends in the criminalization of working-class lives. It casts the net broadly, both historically and geographically, situating capitalist austerity's recent turn to mass incarceration in the United States and Canada in early 19th-century poor law sensibilities. What is happening now differs from the workhouse regime of industrial capitalism's new poor law, of course, but it has undoubted connections to this older regime of regulation. The new new poor law of our times is part of a long history of how dispossession has been pivotal to capitalism's project of uninhibited accumulation and suppression of those driven to defiance and dissent. It reveals how, as profit declines in the productive sphere, incarceration itself can be made to pay. The new new poor law is fundamental to contemporary capitalist political economy as the politics of austerity, the dismantling of the welfare state, and an assault on working-class entitlements and trade unionism are complemented by the rise of a prison-industrial complex. Driven by class antagonisms and racialized scapegoating, the new new poor law inevitably draws into its sphere of influence public-sector workers employed in the criminal justice system. It also unleashes intensified grievances of the incarcerated, stimulating the birth of movements of protest in which prisoners and proletarians search out ways of making common cause.

The article reviews the book, "Waiting for the Revolution: The British Far Left from 1956," edited by Evan Smith and Matthew Worley.

Provides an illustrated overview of the Winnipeg General Strike of 1919 and its significance today for working-class organizations and socialism. Contents: Introduction: Revisiting the workers' revolt in Winnipeg / Sean Carleton and Julia Smith (p. 23) -- 1919: Recovering a a legacy / Bryan D. Palmer (pp. 24 - 31, 40) [https://canadiandimension.com/articles/view/1919-recovering-a-legacy] -- 1919: A graphic history of the Winnipeg General Strike [reproduction of the cover and illustrations from the book by the Graphic History Collective and David Lester] (pp. 32, 36-37) --  Red flags: Reflections on racism and radicalism / Owen Yoews (pp. 33-35, 40) [https://canadiandimension.com/articles/view/red-flags-reflections-on-racism-and-radicalism] -- From 1919 to the fight for $15: Working-class organizing in Winnipeg today / Emily Leedham (pp. 38-30) [https://canadiandimension.com/articles/view/from-1919-to-the-fight-for-15-working-class-organizing-in-winnipeg-today].

A relatively recent International Monetary Fund (IMF) publication is not the only voice that suggests the possibility of achieving prosperity and growth in the modern age without the need to have a strong manufacturing base. Like agriculture before the industrial revolution, “making things” appears to take the back seat as services, and in particular knowledge intensive services that determine “how to make things”, take over as growth drivers. Of course, the trends of progress are irreversible, and “making things” will constitute a shrinking part of employment and, possible value created. The latter will most likely be even truer if one cannot separate perfectly the value of incorporated services, as the knowledge content of the “things made” and the incorporated services build their own complex interactions and grow exponentially. However, as we argue here, there will always be a need to make things (including the occasional spacesuit taking a drive in its interstellar Tesla car). Even as the relationship between physical manufacturing, knowledge and services becomes more blurred, manufacturing will remain an indispensable ingredient of the final product. As pointed out in the literature, the role of manufacturing is and will never be the same for developing and developed countries, performing different roles in both. For developing countries, it will still contribute towards the rapid development of key skills that will complete the skills set of the country, and for developed countries, it will have a mature and symbiotic relationship with services, ensuring the proximity of the know-how and the production of goods that incorporate it, seamless cooperation, and design and service development at the frontier. --Introduction

The article reviews the book, "Introduction to Workplace Safety and Health Management," by Goh Yang Miang.

Cet article porte sur un type de travail trop peu étudié : le travail gestionnaire. À la suite de Braverman, nous considérons qu'il s'agit là d'un travail à part entière. Ses caractéristiques sont cependant différentes de celles du travail ouvrier. Si ce dernier relève de la biopolitique par le travail qu'il produit sur les corps, le travail gestionnaire relève d'une psychopolitique destinée à forger un nouvel individu défini par des habiletés, techniques, cognitives et surtout psychologiques. Assumant une position éducative, le journal Les Affaires publié au Québec à partir de 1928 entreprend, entre autres projets, de définir le travail gestionnaire et de produire ainsi un discours qui permet de légitimer la transformation capitaliste.

Les organisations sont confrontées de manière croissante aux enjeux de reconnaissance au travail comme l’actualité française récente a pu le montrer. Les salariés s’attendent à être reconnus dans le cadre de leur activité professionnelle et les chercheurs, archétypes des professionnels du savoir, ne font pas exception. Étudier la reconnaissance des chercheurs semble d’autant plus nécessaire que de plus en plus de personnes s’engagent dans l’économie de la connaissance en général et que le métier de chercheur en particulier connait des évolutions qui tendent à modifier leur rapport au travail. Par ailleurs, le concept de reconnaissance au travail, pourtant facteur de motivation important, reste insuffisamment étudié ce qui limite la compréhension de ses enjeux et les réponses possibles aux attentes des salariés.

This article analyzes current trends in academic librarianship from the perspective of Italian autonomist Marxism. With the rise of new technologies and the advent of a period variously called the "Fourth Industrial Revolution," "Industry 4.0," and "The Second Machine Age," academic librarianship is undergoing various changes in work-flow, technology, and service provision. The body of thought that developed out of the Italian Marxist tradition provides ways of thinking through and understanding these changes by placing them within a larger dynamic of capitalist development and the restructuring of labor processes. After looking at changes to academic librarianship from the perspective of immaterial labor and cognitive capitalism, the paper offers ways that academic librarianship can think about the possibility of resistance to these changes.

Diminishing returns and advances in telecommunications have prompted large video game firms to seek new locations, outsource production, and develop niche studios, including on Canada's East Coast. In this paper, we examine emerging occupational cultures and trace the origins and evolution of video game production in Canada's Atlantic provinces—a critical yet peripheral space economy in the gaming sector. Our findings are drawn from 30 interviews with gameworkers, studio managers, government officials, and other industry experts. We find this industry to be driven by the confluence of three major factors: (i) provincial governments have supported video game development as a strategic industry via financial incentives; (ii) firms are benefiting from a return migration effect and are repatriating Atlantic Canadian talent from media hubs by selling “home,” work‐life balance, and an alternative to the punishing gamework culture associated with Silicon Valley; and (iii) post‐secondary institutions in the region have improved their talent pipelines through computer science, digital media, and video game development programs.

Despite the popular representation of the masculine hero migrant (Ni Laoire, 2001), rural youth scholars have found that young men are more likely to stay on in their communities, while young women tend to be more mobile, leaving for education and better employment opportunities elsewhere (Corbett, 2007b; Lowe, 2015). Taking a spatialized approach (Farrugia, Smyth & Harrison, 2014), we contribute to and extend the rural youth studies scholarship on gender, mobilities and place by considering the case of young Newfoundlanders’ geographical mobilities in relation to male-dominated resource extraction industries. We draw on findings from two SSHRC-funded research projects, the Rural Youth and Recovery project, a subcomponent of the Community-University Research for Recovery Alliance (CURRA) and the Youth, Apprenticeship and Mobility project, a subcomponent of the On the Move Partnershi We argue that the spatial coding of gender relations in rural Newfoundland makes certain kinds of mobilities more intelligible and possible for young men, while constraining women’s. In other words, gender relations of rural places are “stretched out” (Farrugia et al., 2014) across space through the mobility practices of young men and women in relation to work in skilled trades and resource extraction industries. These “stretched out” gender relations are reproduced by the organisation of a sector that relies on a mobile workforce free from care and domestic work and familiar with manual work.

The article reviews the book, "Agir sur la santé au travail. Acteurs, dispositifs, outils et expertise autour des enjeux psychosociaux," edited by Arnaud Mias et Cyril Wolmark.

The article reviews the book, "A Worker’s Economist: John R. Commons and his Legacy from Progressivism to the War on Poverty," by John Dennis Chasse.

The article reviews the book, "Reducing Inequalities in Europe: How Industrial Relations and Labour Policies Can Close the Gap," edited by Daniel Vaughan-Whitehead.

Poem in commemoration of the 100th anniversary of the Winnipeg General Strike of 1919, including labour and human rights activist Helen Armstrong (1875-1947) who played an instrumental role in support of the strike as head of the Women's Labour League.

The article reviews the books, "When Things Don’t Fall Apart: Global Financial Governance and Developmental Finance in an Age of Productive Incoherence," by Ilene Grabel, and "Laid Low: Inside the Crisis that Overwhelmed Europe and the IMF," By Paul Blustein.

The article reviews the book, "Practical Liberators: Union Officers in the Western Theater during the Civil War," by Kristopher A. Teters.

The article reviews the book, "This Grand Experiment: When Women Entered the Federal Workforce in Civil War–Era Washington, D.C.," by Jessica Ziparo.

Pendant la crise économique des années 1930, les cols blancs se retrouvent nombreux parmi les rangs des chômeurs, créant ainsi « une nouvelle classe de pauvres ». Cet article explore le phénomène du chômage chez les cols blancs de Montréal et lève le voile sur leur expérience de la crise. Il s'attarde aux programmes d'assistance publique mis sur pied par les autorités municipales pour venir en aide aux chômeurs et à la réaction des cols blancs et de certains responsables de la charité relativement à la crise et à un système d'assistance jugé inadapté pour les cols blancs. L'article révèle que l'expérience et les réactions des cols blancs quant à la crise sont façonnées par leur appartenance à la classe moyenne. Au chômage, ils n'arrivent plus à maintenir les standards de respectabilité et le style de vie associés à la classe moyenne et se trouvent forcés de demander l'assistance publique aux côtés des ouvriers. La crainte d'un déclassement social et la peur d'être associés aux chômeurs de la classe ouvrière poussent les cols blancs à vouloir se différencier de ces derniers, réaffirmer leur appartenance à la classe moyenne et revendiquer des programmes d'assistance qui répondent à leurs besoins spécifiques. Certains responsables de la charité qui estiment que les cols blancs méritent des services adaptés participent également à cette différenciation.