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[This] study shows that the crisis of war reinforced pre-existing social and economic inequality based on racist views and practices. War-induced anxieties intensified suspicion of "foreigners" -- a term which encompassed large numbers of Canadian-born and naturalized people of Japanese, central, eastern, and southern European descent and Jews -- as unpatriotic, disloyal, radical, and incapable of becoming truly Canadian. The war also brought sharply into focus and even intensified racist assumptions that African Canadians, eastern and southern Europeans, and Native people were suitable only for menial jobs; that Jewish, Chinese, and Japanese Canadians were economically aggressive; and that Jews in particular were given to shady practices. Such racist stereotypes in turn legitimized the ongoing marginalization of these minorities in the workforce. The state colluded in racist practices. To be sure not all state officials or all Canadians were racist, but the pragmatism that informed official complicity with employment discrimination underscores the pervasiveness of racism in wartime Canada. State officials -- some of whom held racist ideas -- were willing to accept employers' and workers" racist preferences because they believed that to do otherwise would create social unrest and disrupt war industries. Moreover, officials found that the relegation of minority groups such as Chinese Canadians, Japanese Canadians, and Native people to menial work offered the important benefit of filling jobs that Canadians with wider options avoided.
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The article reviews the book, "Making the Voyageur World: Travelers and Traders in the North American Fur Trade," by Carolyn Podruchny.
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The article reviews the book, "Beyond Mothering Earth: Ecological Citizenship and the Politics of Care," by Sherilyn MacGregor.
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Labour Arbitration in Canada, by Morton Mitchnick and Brian Etherington, is reviewed.
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The article reviews the book, "Household Politics: Montreal Families and Postwar Reconstruction," by Magda Fahrni.
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Among the recent measures undertaken in Canada to adapt the public sector to the 'new economy' in order to maintain or enhance economic competitiveness on an international level has been the adoption of new technologies and e-government, affecting both labour processes and service delivery. All three levels of government – municipal, provincial, and federal – have adopted 'virtual service techniques'. This paper examines telemediated processes and new work arrangements in the public sector and raises questions regarding the impact on workers and their trade unions, working conditions, service delivery, and social citizenship.
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The article reviews the book, "Dying to Win: The Strategic Logic of Suicide Terrorism," by Robert A. Pape.
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The article reviews the book, "Development NGOs and Labor Unions: Terms of Engagement," edited by Deborah Eade and Alan Leather.
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The article reviews the book, "Partisanship, Globalization, and Canadian Labour Market Policy: Four Provinces in Comparative Perspective," by Rodney Haddow and Thomas Klassen.
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The article reviews and comments on the book "Labor, Free and Slave: Workingmen and the Anti-Slavery Movement in the United States," by Bernard Mandel, with introduction by Brian Kelly.
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The article reviews and comments on several books including "Violent London: 200 Years of Riots, Rebels an Revolts," by Clive Bloom, "Down and Out in 18th-Century London," by Tim Hitchcock, and "The London Mob: Violence and Disorder in 18th-Century England," by Robert Shoemaker.
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The article reviews the book, "Differences that Matter, Social Policy and the Working Poor in the United States and Canada," by Dan Zuberi.
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In academic and activist debates about union renewal, the replacement of business unionism with social unionism is seen as central to the labour movement's short- and long-term survival. Social unionism, generally understood to involve both engagement with social justice struggles beyond the workplace and methods of union activity beyond the collective bargaining process, is claimed to increase the labour movement's organizing capacity, bargaining power, and social and political weight. However, despite its increased importance, social unionism's various meanings, strategies, and implications remain relatively unexamined, and very different approaches are often lumped together. Using concepts from social movement theory, this paper proposes an analytical framework for systematically comparing different concrete manifestations of social unionism. In particular, social unionist initiatives vary according to 1) the ethos or collective action frame used to rationalize union activity; 2) the repertoire or strategic means used to act on that ethos; and 3) the internal organizational practices and power relations which shape who is involved in defining and carrying out union goals and initiatives. I argue that whether social unionist projects are able to reach immediate instrumental goals as well as generate renewed working class / movement capacity is shaped by both the mix of frame, repertoire and organizational practice as well as the relationship between these three. The paper therefore asserts that the category "social unionism" must be more nuanced, and calls for a more explicitly comparative and multi-methodological approach to reveal such complexity.
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The article reviews the book,"'If the Workers Took a Notion': The Right to Strike and American Political Development," by Josiah Bartlett Lambert.
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The article reviews the book, "Fighting From Home: The Second World War in Verdun, Quebec," by Serge Durflinger.
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The article reviews the book, "Leviathans : Multinational Corporations and the New Global History," edited by Alfred D. Chandler, Jr. and Bruce Mazlish.
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The article reviews the book, "States of Nature: Conserving Canada's Wildlife in the 20th Century," by Tina Loo.
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The article reviews the book, "Partisanship, Globalization, and Canadian Labour Market Policy: Four Provinces in Comparative Perspective," by Rodney Haddow and Thomas Klassen.
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The Political Future of Social Security in Aging Societies, by Vincenzo Galasso, is reviewed.
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This article surveys positions on constitutional reform of the Canadian Labour Congress (CLC) from a historical perspective. In addition to analyzing how Canada’s largest labour organization has approached issues of national unity, federalism, and constitutional reform, the article underscores how Canadian constitutional struggles were reflected within the labour movement by focusing on how constitutional politics affected the relationship between the CLC and its Québec affiliate, the (Québec Federation of Labour) FTQ. Specifically, the article traces the gradual eclipse of the CLC’s preference for centralization and the emergence of sovereignty-association as a political position which the CLC has both externalized politically and internalized organizationally.
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