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Cet article démontre l’importance pour les travailleurs et travailleuses migrants et immigrés de s’organiser en fonction de leurs réalités. Pour ce faire, l’auteur s’appuie sur l’expérience du Centre des travailleurs et travailleuses immigrants (CTI) de Montréal. Beaucoup de ces travailleurs ont un statut d’immigration précaire, qui les rend vulnérables à une exploitation capitaliste poussée. On présume que leur besoin de rester au Canada et de gagner de l’argent les empêchera de parler des inégalités en milieu de travail et dans les pratiques patronales. Quand la COVID-19 a frappé, ce sont ces travailleurs, chargés des tâches reconnues « essentielles » par les gouvernements, qui ont permis à la société de fonctionner. Des promesses de régulariser leur statut d’immigration ont été faites. Mais deux ans après, ces promesses ne se sont pas réalisées et le statut des travailleurs demeure précaire. Toutefois, l’expérience acquise par la CTI dans sa lutte contre l’imposition de mesures néolibérales lui a permis de tenir bon face aux conditions de travail dictées par la pandémie. Les efforts pour régulariser le statut des travailleurs migrants s’intensifient. Il y a actuellement une mobilisation à l’échelle du Canada pour presser le gouvernement de tenir ses engagements, confortée par la reconnaissance croissante de l’importance de ces travailleurs pour le pays. L’article dépeint la réalité de nombreux travailleurs qui vivent et besognent à la confluence de la racialisation et du statut précaire de migrant, et révèle combien ces conditions sont essentielles au maintien du système capitaliste. / This article demonstrates the importance for migrant and immigrant workers to organize in ways that represent their realities. It draws on the experience of Montreal’s Immigrant Workers’ Centre (IWC) to do this. Many of these workers have a precarious immigration status, making them vulnerable to acute capitalist exploitation. The presumption is that since workers’ need to remain in Canada and earn their living, they would remain silent about workplace inequalities and labour practices. When COVID-19 hit, it was these workers, doing what governments recognized as ‘essential’ work that kept societies functioning. Promises were made about regularization of their immigration status. However, it has been two years since the imposition of pandemic restrictions and these promises have rung hollow, leaving them with a precarious immigration status. Yet the organising experience gained by the IWC in the struggle against the imposition of neoliberal measures, prior to the pandemic, held the IWC in good stead as it faced pandemic working conditions. The struggle to regularize migrant workers’ status is mounting and at this moment there is a Canadawide mobilization to hold the government to its promise, bolstered by the growing recognition of the importance of these workers to the country. This article demonstrates the realities faced by many workers who live and work at the intersection of racialization and an insecure migrant status and reveals that it is key to propping up the capitalist system.

We are in an important technological moment in history, where experts in academia, research institutes, and non-governmental organizations posit that developments in artificial intelligence (ai) will lead to widespread disruptions in the labour market. This article addresses this claim by asking if organized labour sees ai as an equally imminent threat. Moreover, it asks how labour is preparing to challenge the power of capital as employers leverage automation in an age of neoliberal precarity. Online materials published by unions affiliated with the Canadian Labour Congress are reviewed here through discursive analysis. Our findings indicate that while no union has expressed opposition to technological change, many have questioned how employers leverage it in the workplace and its wider geopolitical and societal effects that affect their members and communities. We find that discussion around technological change emphasizes that technology makes work better and safer in a human-centred work environment. Overall, organized labour in Canada is attentive to issues within the political-economic context of automation, precarious work, community impacts, the role of government and regulation, skills and retraining, and job loss, among others. Given the view of technology held by organized labour, we challenge perspectives of both techno-pessimism and techno-optimism and highlight instead that labour unions are in a unique position to both respond and adapt to the evolution of work. Expanded strategic interventions around automation are needed to combat precarious work and the erosion of working conditions at present and in the coming decade(s), and we point to some notable efforts that are underway.

The article reviews the book, "The Industrialists: How the National Association of Manufacturers Shaped American Capitalism," by Jennifer Delton.

This article examines the efforts to establish objective criteria in deciding on appropriate wage levels for non-professional service workers in Ontario's hospital sector during the 1960s and 1970s. Drawing from recent literature in cultural political economy and the politics of valuation, it shows how industrial relations specialists sought to reframe the field of struggle through the practice of interest arbitration. Through a comparative study of arbitration cases in this period, the article explores the complex displacement of expertise from local hospital boards and medical professionals to law professors and labour economists, who sought to establish an industrial jurisprudence that could avoid strikes and lockouts in such essential industries by assigning awards based on the probable outcomes of industrial conflict. No longer were disputes settled through the ideological obfuscations of "justice"; instead, expert arbitrators drew on the science of economics in asserting irrefutable labour market "realities." While pretensions to scientific expertise in the settlement of disputes remained hegemonic through the late 1960s, hospital workers in Ontario, through their unions and in alliance with New Left organizations, effectively reasserted "justice" as a highly contextualized unit of value through their militant struggles in the early 1970s. The article concludes by discussing the tensions and contradictions produced out of these struggles and the subsequent challenges in regulating public-sector labour disputes.

The article reviews the book, "Transgender Marxism," edited by Jules Joanne Gleeson and Elle O'Rourke.

This study examines the effects of demographic characteristics of arbitrators on arbitration outcomes in the Canadian university sector. More specifically, we attempt to explain whether five characteristics of arbitrators (their experiences in law, management, and union affairs as well as their age and gender) could significantly determine how they adjudicate in cases heard in labor relations tribunals. Therefore, we examine whether the five aforementioned characteristics, as the group of independent variables, could significantly determine the variations of two dependent variables, namely the outcome of the arbitration procedure and compensation of any damages- interests.

The article reviews the book, "James P. Cannon and the Emergence of Trotskyism in the United States, 1928–38," by Bryan D. Palmer.

The article reviews the book, "Stampede: Misogyny, White Supremacy, and Settler Colonialism," by Kimberly A. Williams.

The article reviews the book, "Bent Out of Shape: Shame, Solidarity and Women's Bodies at Work," by Karen Messing.

Section 50 of the Ontario Occupational Health and Safety Act prohibits an employer from punishing a worker who complains about a health and safety concern and who seeks to exercise the right to raise or report this concern. A worker who suffers such a reprisal may file a grievance if covered by a collective agreement or make an application to the Ontario Labour Relations Board (OLRB).

Despite the organic movement’s early connections to labour advocacy and commitment to the principle of “Fairness”, the evolution of the organic sector has generated questions about the strength of its links to food justice in certified organic farming. Scholar-activists have, in particular, highlighted the problematic nature of labour relations on many organic farms. This article reports on a growing relationship between an organic farming association (the Certified Organic Associations of British Columbia) and a migrant workers justice collective (Fuerza Migrante) with aspirations of alliance building. Drawing from qualitative interviews and participant observation, we examine the extent to which efforts by the organic community towards fairness in labour relations may signal an opening whereby the organic movement may take up the more radical struggle for rights, status and justice for racialized migrant workers. We draw on theoretical work on post-capitalist relations and emancipatory social transformations to provide scaffolding to our assessment, and illuminate the importance of complementary efforts. While the primary demands raised by migrant workers and their allies (eg structural changes to temporary foreign worker programs) are not yet mirrored by the organic community’s advocacy, this paper documents preliminary efforts towards centering of migrant worker struggles for justice that may open up spaces for social emancipation for workers in organic farming systems. We also provide recommendations for how the organic community could act in solidarity with migrants and advance migrant justice priorities.

The article reviews the book, "Grève des stages, grèves des femmes. Anthologie d'une lutte féministe pour un salaire étudiant (2016–2019)," by Collectif.

The article reviews the book, "Mining Country: A History of Canada's Mine and Miners," by John Sandlos and Arn Keeling.

The article reviews the book, "Bread and Roses: Gender and Class Under Capitalism," by Andrea D'Atri.

Durant la crise sanitaire liée à l’épidémie de COVID-19, des milliers de salariés français ont été contraints de travailler isolés les uns des autres. Cette situation inédite a engendré de lourds inconvénients en matière de conditions de travail, entraînant de hauts niveaux d’épuisement professionnel. L’objectif de cette recherche est de déterminer si le soutien social du manager direct est en mesure de modérer les effets négatifs des conditions de travail sur l’épuisement professionnel des salariés en période de crise sanitaire. Les résultats montrent que ce soutien a un impact direct sur l’épuisement professionnel, quel que soit le lieu de travail. Cependant, il n’est pas en mesure de modérer l’effet des conditions de travail sur l’épuisement professionnel des salariés à domicile, et n’y arrive que modestement pour les salariés sur site.

Managing ethnocultural diversity, i.e., employees with a socio-cultural heritage different from the majority (language, tradition, religion, etc.), is a growing challenge for employers. In order to provide added value and minimize the risks of diversity at all levels of the organization, it is important to improve our understanding or the diversity mindset -- the way people think about diversity in the workplace -- and how it influences management practices. While organizations outside of major urban centers must increasingly rely on immigration to ensure their growth and survival, relatively few studies have been done in rural areas and even fewer on the diversity mindset of employers based there.

The article reviews the book, "Canada in the World: Settler Colonialism and the Colonial Imagination," by Tyler A. Shipley.

The article reviews the book, "Grand Army of Labor Workers, Veterans, and the Meaning of the Civil War," by Matthew E. Stanley.

The article reviews the book, "Shift Change: Scenes from a Post-Industrial Revolution," by Stephen Dale.