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New Employment Actors: Developments from Australia, edited by Grant Michelson, Suzanne Jamieson and John Burgess, is reviewed.

Up in the Air: How Airlines Can Improve Performance by Engaging their Employees, by Greg J. Bamber, Jody H. Gittell, Thomas A. Kochan and Andrew Von Nordenflycht, is reviewed.

The article reviews the book, "Class and the Color Line: Interracial Class Coalition in the Knights of Labor and the Populist Movement," by Joseph Gerteis.

Le Canada et le Québec ont procédé, depuis le milieu des années 1990, à des changements importants de leur système de protection sociale ; les objectifs visés par ces réformes ont été de contrôler les dépenses publiques ou d’atteindre le déficit zéro, d’augmenter l’efficacité des politiques sociales, en particulier par rapport à l’incitation à l’emploi, et de garantir des conditions de vie convenables. Ceci s’est traduit par une restructuration de plusieurs dispositifs de protection sociale qui s’est réalisée par la reconfiguration des paramètres de protection et par l’activation de ces mêmes dépenses sociales. Pour comprendre cette restructuration, cet article analyse les changements introduits dans certains dispositifs de sécurité du revenu que sont le dispositif de l’assurance chômage, le régime universel des allocations familiales et le système d’assistance sociale, tant au niveau fédéral que québécois. Pour rendre compte de cette démarche, le texte a été divisé en trois parties : la première porte sur la reconfiguration de chacun des dispositifs, la deuxième sur l’activation des dépenses sociales et la troisième introduit des éléments d’analyse vis-à-vis cette restructuration récente des politiques sociales. Le texte est traversé par une question, celle de savoir si ces réformes traduisent un virage néo-libéral dans le sens d’un désengagement de l’État et d’une érosion des droits sociaux ou s’il vaut mieux plutôt y voir une réorganisation, une modification de son architecture, traduisant un changement de paradigme ou de référentiel dans le sens d’un État social actif ou d’investissement social.

Alors que la confiance organisationnelle est appréhendée comme un élément central à toute relation d’échange, elle n’a pas été étudiée dans le cadre d’une approche globale de l’échange social employeur-employé. Cet article vise à préciser le concept de confiance organisationnelle et à montrer son rôle lorsque l’organisation fait preuve de bienveillance à l’égard de ses employés. Le rôle médiateur de la confiance entre le soutien organisationnel perçu et les attitudes au travail est tout particulièrement étudié. Les résultats obtenus auprès de 249 cadres et gestionnaires confirment que la confiance en l’organisation est au coeur du processus d’échange social, et se présente comme une variable intermédiaire nécessaire pour expliquer l’engagement organisationnel et l’intention de quitter l’entreprise.

Dependent Self-Employment: Workers on the Border between Employment and Self-Employment, by Ulrike Muehlberger, is reviewed.

Pensions at Work: Socially Responsible Investment of Union-Based Pension Funds, edited by Jack Quarter, Isla Carmichael and Sherida Ryan, is reviewed.

The article reviews the book, "Renegades: Canadians in the Spanish Civil War," by Michael Petrou.

The article reviews the book, "What's New: Memoirs of a Socialist Idealist," by Ben Swankey.

This paper will review the historical development of professionalism as a contested construct in the public education project and briefly explain how it was employed to achieve the right to strike for Ontario’s public school teachers in 1973. Although all six teachers’ unions are included in the study, the more particular standpoint is from the elementary teachers’ unions, the Federation of Women Teachers’ Associations of Ontario and the Ontario Public School Men Teachers’ Federation, as it is from their archives that the research was gathered.

The article reviews the book, "Fair Future: Resource Conflicts, Security and Global Justice," by Wolfgang Sachs and Tilman Santarius.

The article reviews the book, "Canada's Rights Revolution: Social Movements and Social Change, 1937-1982," by Dominique Clément.

The article reviews the book, "A Farewell to Alms: A Brief Economic History of the World," by Gregory Clark.

The article reviews the book, "Cross-Border Social Dialogue and Agreements: An Emerging Global Industrial Relations Framework?," edited by Konstantinos Papadakis.

In the first part of this paper, the author reviews the historical development of the right to strike in international instruments. In his view, that process was shaped during the Cold War by an artificial dis- tinction between socioeconomic rights and civil and political rights, resulting in a narrow interpretation of freedom of association. The author argues that while workers' rights have more recently been con- ceived of asfundamental human rights, an emphasis on social justice is equally necessary. In this context, the right to strike is critical to main- taining an equilibrium of power between labour and capital, and thus to protecting the dignity and human rights of workers. Turning to the chal- lenges posed by globalization, the author suggests that countries can gain a "comparative institutional advantage" by pursuing a program of rights-based regulation or "regulated flexibility." On this view, employ- ment rights - including the right to strike - are beneficial to economic development. The question, then, is whether constitutionalizing the right to strike is the best way to ensure Canada's comparative advantage. In considering this question, several issues arise, including whether consti- tutionalization would lead to excessive limitations on the right to strike; whether it would undermine the majoritarian character of our collective bargaining system; and whether the application of abstract constitu- tional principles by judges is a suitable way of settling labour disputes.

Over the past twenty years, International Labour Standards have been cited increasingly as the authoritative, worldwide body of jurisprudence on workers' rights as human rights. Continuing the debate on what constitutes labor rights, the author contrasts the definition of workers' rights under international human rights standards with U.S. labor history's notion of “pure and simple unionism,” examining the boundaries of rights defined by international standards in a comparative historical context. The standards examined include workers' right to organize; coercive employer speech; access to employer premises; nonmajority representation; the right to strike, picket, and boycott; union security clauses; the scope of bargaining; government enforcement; and the legal doctrine of employer association rights. Aligning U.S. labor relations law with international human rights standards would in part be a social advancement, but significant aspects of the standards advocate pure and simple unionism more than the original National Labor Relations Act, raising questions about how labor movements should use international standards as advocacy tools and public policy goals.

The article reviews the book, "Canada's Jews: A People's Journey," by Gerald Tulchinsky.

The article reviews the book, "Union-Free America: Workers and Antiunion Culture," by Lawrence Richards.

Serving on the executive committee of CUPE 4163 at the University of Victoria and actively participating in the Victoria Communities Solidarity Coalition, I had the opportunity to experience these [public sector] struggles first hand. While I played only a marginal role (i.e., standing on picket lines, organizing discussion forums, and attending public meetings), I hope to contribute my perspective as a participant observer. This is not intended to be a detailed history; rather, I will draw on various interpretations of the struggles in BC to make a broader theoretical intervention in conceptualizing the defeat of the labour movement in the so-called “neoliberal era.” Viewing bureaucracy as an uneven field of struggle, I argue that the [Hospital Employees' Union] strike demonstrates the importance of distinguishing between different elements of BC’s labour leadership in challenging the provincial government’s denial of collective bargaining freedoms to public sector workers. --From introduction

Speaking from the U.S. experience, this paper argues that the exclusion of union speech, boycotts and picketing from constitutional protection has been harmful for labour and for the U.S. Constitution. The author points out that in recent decades the scope of speech that is protected under the First Amendment has expanded significantly, and now includes consumer boycotts, "symbolic speech" that combines con- duct and communication, and even threatening speech. All of these rights of expression are denied to unions, supposedly on the ground that labour rights should be, and are, regulated through a comprehensive administrative scheme. In the author's view, howeve, that scheme has become ossified, and has completely failed to keep up with developments in First Amendment law. As a result, union speech and action is uniquely disfavoured: flag-burning, cross-burning and the St. Patrick's Day parade are constitutionally protected forms of expression, but union picketing is not. Canadians, then, when considering a constitutional right to strike, should be wary, of the argument that the regulation of such a right is better assigned to administrators rather than the courts.