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The longstanding political alliance between the Canadian labor movement and the New Democratic Party (NDP) has experienced new stresses in recent years. Whereas the NDP was widely considered the political arm of the labor movement during the Keynesian post-war period, under neoliberalism, the relationship between most unions and the NDP has become more tactical and less cohesive. This article surveys contemporary party-union relationships in Canada, at both the federal and provincial levels, with a view to demonstrating that weakening party-union relations are rooted in larger macro-economic and political transformations and are shaped by factors related to region and language.

The expansive literature on alienation demonstrates how various treatments emphasize different parts of human estrangement. This recovery focuses on demonstrating how Marx´s theory of alienation can prove fruitful in understanding social movement activity and promoting social justice. At the centre of collective action is a hope and vision for an alternative future, an imagination of communities based on mutual reliance and a strategy for de-alienation. In this paper, I begin with a review of Marx´s theory with an emphasis on a philosophy of internal relations, followed by an application to a recently completed case study with housing activists in Scarborough, Ontario. By posing questions for further development, I conclude that social alienation and responses to it can be developed further when seen as a learning process; that is, to understand the learning processes of one´s own estrangement as central to taking positive steps to overcome alienation.

Few have examined the class politics of pre-Rebellion Toronto in any detail; a vocabulary of class born in an industrial setting appears poorly fitted to an agrarian colony where production took place in small workshops of independent journeymen and apprentices under the supervision of master craftsmen. This article, in contrast, examines the transformations in class relations of the period in a framework derived from Cain & Hopkins theory of “Gentlemanly Capitalism.” It examines the creation of the three “fictitious commodities” (money, land, and labour) that Polanyi places at the heart of the “Great Transformation” in the context of the “Gentlemanly Order” being constructed by Upper Canada’s elite. This Gentlemanly Order was corporate in nature. The article concludes with an analysis of class conflict that resulted in the era, in particular in the building trades, where workers helped form a province-wide “Mechanics Association.”

The article reviews the book, "Getting the Goods: Ports, Labor, and the Logistics Revolution," edited by Stephanie Morgan.

The article reviews the book, "Ageing Labour Forces: Promises and Prospects," edited by Philip Taylor.

The article reviews the book, "Earthly Plenitudes: A Study on Sovereignty and Labor," by Bruno Gulli.

Discusses the decline of the labour movement and what should be done about it, with a focus on the telecommunications industry in Canada.

The article reviews the book, "To Plead Our Own Cause: Personal Stories of Today's Slaves," edited by Kevin Bales and Zoe Trodd.

The article reviews and comments on two books: "Globalization and Labor: Democratizing Global Governance" by Dimitris Stevis and Terry Boswell, and "Global Unions: Challenging Transnational Capital Through Cross-Border Campaigns," edited by Kate Bronfenbrenner.

The main purpose of this study was to investigate the relationship among pay satisfaction, job satisfaction and turnover intent. Using a multidimensional approach to pay satisfaction, data from 200 registered nurses (RNs) in a unionized hospital were analyzed. The regression results show that while pay satisfaction affects turnover intent job satisfaction may be a more crucial variable in terms of nurses' turnover. Recommendations for health care managers and human resources professionals are made with respect to systematic approaches that can reduce turnover among RNs and other employee groups.

The article reviews the book, "Damming the Flood: Haiti, Aristide, and the Politics of Containment," by Peter Hallward.

The article reviews the book, "'Union Is Strength': W. L. Mackenzie, the Children of Peace, and the Emergence of Joint Stock Democracy in Upper Canada" by Albert Schrauwers.

The article reviews the book, "The Myth of Digital Democracy," by Matthew Hindman.

The article reviews the book, "La construction sociale des acteurs de l'entreprise," by Marc Maurice.

Si les recherches ont démontré que les caractéristiques contextuelles (soit de la famille, du travail et de l’organisation) influencent le conflit travail-famille (CTF), l’incidence des attributs personnels sur le CTF a été peu étudié. Cette étude explore (a) l’effet direct de quatre dispositions personnelles – l’engagement envers le travail, l’engagement envers la famille, la personnalité de type A et le leadership de soi – sur le CTF et (b) l’effet modérateur de ces dispositions sur les liens entre les caractéristiques de leur travail et de leur famille et le CTF.Menée par questionnaires auprès de deux grands échantillons d’employés (N = 1,398, N = 532), des analyses bivariées appuient un lien négatif entre le leadership de soi et les deux types de CTF étudiés (T→F et F→T) et ce, même après avoir contrôlé pour le sexe et l’âge des répondants. Quant aux analyses de régression, après avoir contrôlé pour le sexe, une personnalité de type A représente la disposition personnelle étudiée qui explique le mieux le conflit T→F. Une personnalité de type A modère aussi l’effet des caractéristiques du travail et de la famille sur le conflit T→F. Ainsi, un employé ayant une personnalité de type A et qui consacre plus de temps au travail, est plus susceptible de ressentir plus de conflit T→F. Finalement, il semble qu’un employé qui s’engage plus envers son travail et perçoit avoir plus de responsabilités familiales, ressent plus de conflit F→T.Sur le plan théorique, cette étude appuie la perspective des dispositions personnelles dans la compréhension du CTF. Sur le plan pratique, les résultats montrent que les employeurs doivent adopter des stratégies liées à plusieurs niveaux (individuel et organisationnel) pour réduire le CTF. De la même façon, pour ressentir moins de CTF, les employés doivent veiller à faire des choix professionnels et familiaux plus cohérents et plus respectueux de leurs dispositions ou de leurs traits personnels.

The article reviews the book, "Mobilizing Youth: Communists and Catholics in Interwar France," by Susan B. Whitney.

The article reviews the book, "Horses at Work: Harnessing Power in Industrial America," by Ann Norton Greene.

The article reviews the book, "Handbook of Work-Family Integration: Research, Theory and Best Practices," edited by Karen Korabik, Donna S. Lero and Denise L. Whitehead.

Temporary workers come to Canada under the auspices of the Immigration and Refugee Protection Act, and specifically, the Temporary Foreign Worker Program (TFWP). They are unfree in the sense that they are unable to circulate within the labour market due to legal constraints. This article contextualizes Canada's TFWP within the global political economy in terms of flexible labour, racialization and genderization. Temporary workers are flexible; they provide "j ust- in- time" labour to meet what are perceived to be shortages of workers in the labour market. While this labour is flexible from the point of view of the employer, it is "precarious" from the vantage point of the worker. Employers use the TFWP to have direct power over who immigrates to Canada, slowly eroding the goals of meritocratic fairness that have supported Canadian purported efforts to make (im)migration an impartial process. Although global political economy is a good starting point for framing temporary labour in Canada, it is not sufficient. Since Confederation, Canada has always had some type of temporary worker process. The ideal of creating a British settler community was Canada's original nation-building goal, but the reality was that the Canadian capitalist class preferred temporary workers for agricultural and industrial work, infrastructure and railway construction, and domestic work; Asian and Southern and Eastern European males filled many of these positions. In railway construction and mining, for example, there were racialized labour segments with distinct groups of workers: "Whites" in higher paid and "safe" occupations, and "foreigners" who were in lower-paid and dangerous jobs (Vosko 2000) - the latter group often being hired as temporary workers. There is also a long history in Canada of foreign domestic workers serving middle- and upper-class families dating back to the late 180Os and early 1900s. Formally, under the strict logic of the immigration legislation that vows to bring to Canada the "best and the brightest" (or the very skilled), the "unskilled" workers should not be allowed to stay in Canada. However, as the work of researchers at Brandon University points out, after six months, many temporary workers arriving in Manitoba who labour in unskilled or semi-skilled occupations apply to the Provincial Nominee Program (PNP). In this sense, temporary migrants become "transitional" foreign workers (Annis 2008, Bucklaschuk 2008). Unfree labour becomes both a vehicle for a probationary period for migrants and for a new style of immigration that is driven by employers rather than the state, allowing for unsupervised racial, geographical, or gender bias.

The term "industrial voluntarism" has been used to describe the norm that dominated union organizing and, more broadly, union-management relations in Canada during most of the first half of the 20th century. In practical terms, the principle defines situations in which unions and employers initiate, develop, and enforce agreements without state assistance or compulsion. This paper investigates the history of voluntarism in Canada with attention to post-war legal accommodations and various manifestations of voluntarism related to union recognition. We show how aspects of the Framework of Fairness Agreement (FFA) negotiated between Magna International and the Canadian Auto Workers (CAW) in 2007 is informed by industrial voluntarism. The FFA facilitates voluntary recognition of CAW locals at Magna plants in exchange for a no-strike promise and acceptance of many features of Magna's existing human resource management system. Overall, the historical and contemporary evidence show that voluntarism continues to manifest in different forms in response to changing labour relations conditions.