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The article reviews the book, "I Have a Story to Tell You," edited by Seemah C. Berson.

The article reviews the book, "Mine Towns: Buildings for Workers in Michigan’s Copper Country," by Alison K. Hoagland.

This article explores the contradictions in the Canadian Auto Workers Union’s (CAW) approach to environmental issues, particularly climate change. Despite being one of the Canadian labor movement’s leading proponents of social unionism— understood as a union ethos committed to working-class interests beyond the workplace, and a strategic repertoire that involves community-union alliances— the CAW’s environmental activism demonstrates the contradictory way that social unionism can be understood and practiced by unions. Through a critical discourse analysis of CAW policy documents and leadership statements, we show the union has not reframed its bargaining demands to emphasize both economically and environmentally sustainable production. Instead, the CAW’s relatively uncritical defense of the North American auto industry and the jobs it provides, despite the clearly negative role such production plays in the climate crisis, its acceptance of the structures of automobility, and its emphasis on environmental issues that have little to do with the nature of their industry, indicates the way that social unionism can be an add-on rather than a fundamental reorientation of a union’s role and purpose. We argue that, for social unionist environmental activism to be effective, the CAW must incorporate social unionist goals and analyses into their bargaining priorities, and confront the contradictions between their members’ interests as autoworkers, on the one hand, and as workers and global citizens who require economically and environmentally sustainable livelihoods, on the other.

Using strategies first developed in the inter-war years, the ILO has repositioned itself to play a leading role in our understanding of the relationship between employment policies and growth, particularly in relation to poverty reduction strategies. To do this, the ILO has forged increasingly strong relationships with key international financial institutions (IFIs), in which the inclusion of ILO-driven strategies for Decent Work and core labour standards has been important. Whilst this repositioning has been questioned by some who fear that an original purpose of the 110 may be lost, and the technical implementation of the ILO agenda in conjunction with the IFIs is not without difficulties, the ILO's status as a major international agency for the advancement of human development has been reinforced.

The article reviews the book, "Burlesque West: Showgirls, Sex and Sin in Postwar Vancouver," by Becki Ross.

Unions, Equity, and the Path to Renewal, edited by Janice Foley and Patricia Baker, is reviewed.

Ethical Socialism and the Trade Unions: Allan Flanders and British Industrial Relations Reform, by John Kelly, is reviewed.

The article reviews the book, "Codes of Misconduct: The Regulation of Prostitution in Colonial Bombay," by Ashwini Tambe.

Discusses the history of the "Rand Formula," which established the compulsory union dues checkoff for collective work places. A cornerstone of Canadian labour law, the Formula originated in 1946 from an arbitration ruling by Supreme Court Justice Ivan C. Rand following a strike at the Ford motor plant in Windsor, Ontario, in 1945. The political and legal aspects of Rand's ruling are analyzed.

The authors use the 1999 North American Academic Study Survey to examine attitudes of American and Canadian faculty and administrators towards faculty unions and collective bargaining. Comparative and statistical analyses of the survey data show the effect of cultural, institutional, political, positional, socio-economic, and academic factors on support for collective bargaining and faculty unionism in American and Canadian universities. Analysis of the survey data shows that US-Canada differences generally outweigh positional differences among professors and administrators. Such factors as political ideology, experience with faculty bargaining, administrators' opposition, institutional quality, income, gender, and academic discipline, are found to be significant determinants of the attitudes towards faculty unions and collective bargaining.

The Great Recession has left in its wake an expected “age of austerity” where deficits accumulated to stave off economic collapse, are being addressed through steep cuts to government spending, with profound implications for social services and public sector employment. In an earlier era of austerity, eleven mass strikes and enormous demonstrations swept through the major cities of Ontario. This Days of Action movement – which has real relevance for the current period – began in the fall of 1995, continued through all of 1996 and 1997, and came to an end in 1998. This article, part of a larger research project, focuses on the movement’s origins. Two themes shape the overall project: the relation between social movements “outside” the workplace and union struggles themselves; and the relationship between the energetic inexperience of newly‐active union members, and the pessimistic institutional experience embodied in a quite developed layer of full‐time union officials. It is the former – the dialectic between social movements and trade unions in the Days of Action, that will be the focus of this article.

The article reviews the book, "Losing Control: Canada’s Social Conservatives in the Age of Rights," by Tom Warner.

The article reviews the book, "Zapatistas: Rebellion From the Grassroots," by Alex Khasnabish, part of the "Rebel" book series.

The article reviews the book, "Respectable Citizens: Gender, Family, and Unemployment in Ontario's Great Depression," by Lara Campbell.

This article considers the significance of indigenous economic systems in contemporary society. It argues that indigenous economic systems have to be taken into account much more systematically than thus far in considerations of indigenous governance. The article contends that indigenous economic systems need to play a more central role in envisioning and shaping meaningful, comprehensive, and sustainable systems of contemporary indigenous self-governance. If indigenous economies are not taken into account, there is a serious danger of losing the very identities that constitute indigenous peoples. ...The article consists of three sections. The first section discusses definitions and contemporary significance of subsistence and indigenous economies. It questions the prevailing narrow, economistic analyses and interpretations of subsistence. Although economic development projects such as resource extraction may improve fiscal independence and strengthen the economic base of indigenous communities, they also present serious threats to indigenous economies.The second section examines the relationship between subsistence and wage labor, particularly from the perspective of women. It also considers the “war on subsistence” waged by the development and modernization theories, which continue to contribute to views of subsistence as “primitive” and “pre-modern.” The third section takes a closer look at the often glossed over roles of indigenous women in subsistence activities. It questions the conventional binary economic roles of man-the-hunter versus woman-the-gatherer and argues for a broader lens when assessing economic roles and divisions of labor along gendered lines. The article concludes with an examination of indigenous economic systems and the concept of the social economy as a foundation for contemporary indigenous governance. --From Introduction

Healing Together : The Labor-Management Partnership at Kaiser Permanente, by Thomas A. Kochan, Adrienne E. Eaton, Robert B. McKersie, and Paul S. Adler, is reviewed.

Cette étude examine le cas du Mouvement Desjardins dans le secteur financier au Québec. À partir d’un sondage téléphonique auprès de 576 employées syndiquées du Mouvement Desjardins, les principaux résultats de cette recherche quantitative font valoir une plus grande remise en question du syndicalisme par les professionnelles, les personnes développant de faibles sociabilités au travail et celles qui sont insatisfaites de leur salaire. En contrepartie, les conditions de travail défavorables et les actions syndicales proactives et démocratiques renforcent l’adhésion syndicale des femmes.Le cadre de la recherche sollicite quatre approches théoriques afin de dégager les principaux éléments du rapport d’emploi pouvant affecter l’adhésion syndicale. Tout en considérant les approches matérialiste et instrumentale, le principal apport théorique de cet article prescrit une jonction entre les nouvelles identités professionnelles des femmes, sources d’effritement du syndicalisme, et les actions syndicales, sources de renforcement du syndicalisme.En s’insérant dans les débats actuels sur l’avenir du syndicalisme, cet article se penche sur le rapport identitaire des femmes syndiquées à l’égard du syndicalisme. En abordant la crise du syndicalisme par la difficulté de représenter la main-d’oeuvre professionnelle dans le secteur des services, cette étude vise à saisir l’arrimage entre les nouvelles identités professionnelles des femmes et l’adhésion syndicale.

The article reviews the book, "Travail et citoyenneté : quel avenir ?," edited by Michel Coutu and Gregor Murray.

Cet article contribue au renouvellement de la réflexion sur la citoyenneté au travail en s’appuyant sur la théorie de la citoyenneté sociale de Linda Bosniak pour étudier deux groupes de travailleurs (concepteurs de jeux vidéo et artistes interprètes) incombant à une même figure emblématique du travail contemporain, soit le travail du savoir très qualifié, mobile et organisé sous la forme de projets. À l’heure où le travail du savoir prend de plus en plus d’importance dans les économies développées, il importe de prendre acte de ce qu’il occupe une position très différente de la dépendance économique du citoyen industriel dont la compétence est substituable. À la différence de la division industrielle entre la conception et l’exécution, le travail y mobilise la personne entière du travailleur plutôt que sa seule force de travail, dans un processus créatif d’innovation sur un marché très compétitif où l’apport créateur du travailleur est un atout déterminant. Les auteures y étudient l’état contemporain de la représentation des intérêts chez des travailleurs du savoir et de leur participation à la régulation de leur travail, à la fois localement et à l’échelle sociale, à l’aide de deux études de cas où des travailleurs très qualifiés transitent constamment entre des projets à courte durée déterminée plutôt que de jouir d’une relation d’emploi stable à long terme. Confrontés à des problèmes et à des enjeux collectifs, ces travailleurs déploient des moyens originaux de participer à la régulation de leur travail, hors du syndicalisme. La discussion met finalement en évidence l’émergence non seulement de nouveaux modes de représentation mais d’un nouveau citoyen au travail, à la recherche de droits et d’avantages différents du citoyen industriel de l’ère fordiste et ceci, dans un espace plus large que celui de l’entreprise.

The article reviews the book, "The Dirt: Industrial Disease and Conflict at St. Lawrence, Newfoundland," by Rick Rennie.