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Full bibliography 12,713 resources
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The article reviews the book, "Making Mexican Chicago: From Postwar Settlement to the Age of Gentrification," by Mike Amezcua.
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In response to labour shortages across various sectors, including agriculture, the Government of Canada created the Temporary Labour Program, one stream of which is the Seasonal Agricultural Worker Program (SAWP). Mexico is currently the major partnering country, which runs the matching Programa de Trabajadores Agrícolas Temporales (PTAT) which accounts for 43.8% of all migrant seasonal farm labourers in Canada (SRE, 2022). With the increasing number of migrant workers in Canada, there are growing concerns about their labour and living conditions. Loo (2014) and other authors contend that to improve international labour programs so as to better serve foreign workers, it is critical to learn migrant workers’ perspectives by having their voices heard. There are, however, challenges to speaking with foreign farm workers, including language differences, rural locations, long workdays, living constraints, and fear of speaking out. Most research on migrant workers has been conducted in Ontario, Quebec and British Columbia, which have the highest provincial numbers. Conversely, there has been little research examining migrant workers’ experiences in the province of Alberta. My qualitative, participatory research contributes to the literature by exploring the perspectives of Mexican seasonal agriculture workers who have participated in the PTAT in Alberta. I used a focused ethnographic approach and methods of PhotoVoice and semi-structured interviews to learn about their motivations for enrolling in the PTAT and their experiences of working in the agriculture sector in this provincial context. Participants' narratives and photographic images provided information about: their motives for enrolling in the PTAT; how they navigated the application process; their lived experiences while working on farms and other agriculture businesses in Alberta; the impacts on their health and well-being; and, their perspectives on their role in Canada’s agri-food system. I also explored workers’ perspectives on being part of this international labour program during the COVID-19 pandemic and how this influenced the different stages of their experiences, both in Mexico and Canada. As part of the investigation of participants’ perspectives on health and well-being, I asked them about their access to health services and healthy and culturally appropriate food, and opportunities they had to experience community life in Alberta. Many of the findings from this research align with previous studies illuminating the vulnerable and challenging working and living conditions of migrant agricultural workers in Canada. Novel insights gained through this participatory research with Mexican migrant agriculture workers in Alberta focus on the application process and institutional context in Mexico, workers’ perspectives on their health and well-being, and their narratives and photographic images about their lived experiences in Alberta during the COVID-19 pandemic.
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A personal appreciation of the life and work of Jewish and labour studies historian, Irving Abella (1940-2022).
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The article reviews the book, "Deindustrializing Montreal. Entangled Histories of Race, Residence, and Class," by Steven High.
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The article reviews the book, "Penal Servitude: Convicts and Long-Term Imprisonment, 1853-1948," by Helen Johnston, Barry Godfrey, and David J. Cox.
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The article reviews the book, "Facteurs en Europe. Le syndicalisme face à la libéralisation et aux mutations des activités postales : Belgique, Bulgarie, Espagne, France et Royaume-Uni," edited by Paul Bouffartigue and Jean Vandewattyne.
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La question de la représentation collective des cadres a été remise à l’ordre du jour récemment, à la suite de l’initiative de l’Association des cadres de la Société des casinos du Québec ainsi que de l’Association professionnelle des cadres de premier niveau d’Hydro-Québec, qui ont obtenu l’autorisation du Tribunal administratif du travail de se constituer en syndicats, malgré le statut de cadre de leurs membres. Cette décision, qui a été confirmée en février 2022 par la Cour d’appel du Québec, soulève de nombreux questionnements sur le futur de la représentation collective de cette catégorie de travailleurs. Cet article entend contribuer à la réflexion sur ce thème, en mettant en lumière les attentes qu’entretiennent les cadres du secteur parapublic québécois à propos de leurs associations représentatives et de leurs modes d’action. Pour ce faire, nous mobilisons des résultats provenant de deux recherches réalisées auprès de cadres du secteur de la santé et des services sociaux, membres de l’AGESSS, et du secteur de l’éducation, membres de l’AQCS. Ces cadres expriment leur accord face à d’éventuelles modifications de l’encadrement législatif de leurs relations de travail. Cela dit, ils ne manifestent pas pour autant une volonté de se syndiquer. Qui plus est, ils sont ambivalents quant à l’utilisation éventuelle de modes d’action revendicateurs. Nous posons l’hypothèse que ce rapport au syndicalisme est une affirmation identitaire, qui s’explique, entre autres, par la façon dont le Code du travail définit les acteurs des relations du travail.
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The article reviews the book, "Petite histoire politique des banlieues populaires," by Hacène Belmessous.
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The first full-length treatment of Ed Broadbent's ideas and remarkable seven-decade engagement in public life. Ed Broadbent is unique among living political leaders of international stature in offering a fully developed analysis of social democracy and its relevance in the 21st century. His career as a political philosopher, activist, and politician and his conversations with contemporaries such as Willy Brandt, Pierre Elliot Trudeau, Fidel Castro, and Mikhail Gorbachev inform his analysis of the struggles for social justice in the long 20th century. Having come to the socialist and social democratic traditions by way of academic study, Broadbent tested and tempered his ideas in the great postwar struggles over social rights, gender and racial equality, workers' rights, the containment of capital, and reversing the commodification of private life. The book explores the roots of his egalitarianism and the formation of his social democratic ideas, Broadbent's engaged internationalism and relationship with key historical figures, and his experiences and reflections in practical politics and pursuit of government across several of the most momentous decades in the history of Canada. He was a Member of Parliament for over two decades and was, for most of this period, leader of the New Democratic Party. He remains to this day an important social democratic voice in the public debates of the nation. Part political history, part intellectual biography, part manifesto for social democracy this first-ever full-length treatment of Broadbent's thought will be animated in dialogue with three collaborators from different generations, each similarly immersed in the history of social democratic ideas--the result being a fresh analysis of social democracy, Canadian politics, and a lively contribution to current debates and dilemmas. -- Publisher's description
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Tracing the history of gendered working-class responses to deindustrialization in the Montréal neighbourhood of Saint-Henri reveals that many of the local political initiatives of the 1960s and 1970s were connected to longer-term working-class efforts to navigate shifting patterns of capital accumulation extending back to the 1940s. The gendered tradition of territory-based organizing in this community encouraged women workers’ shop-floor militancy and was foundational for new forms of local political advocacy around issues like health care and housing. In deindustrialization’s moment, the concerns of a precariously employed, feminized working-class population spurred a crossover of industrial struggle with survival-focused reproductive labour issues, centred around a grassroots organization called the popir (Projet d’organisation populaire, d’information, et de regroupement). This pattern of gendered working-class militancy and solidarity persisted throughout the 1980s and shaped resistance to Saint-Henri’s subsequent gentrification at the turn of the new millennium.
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Cet article part du constat que les travaux s’intéressant à la variation des réponses syndicales aux changements initiés par les dirigeants d’entreprises, en ne se concentrant que sur les différences entre syndicats et en analysant les réponses de chaque syndicat à l’aune d’un seul des différents types de réponse possibles, présentent une vision relativement statique de l’activité syndicale en période de changement. En s’appuyant sur les notions de pouvoir discursif/narratif (Geelan, 2022 ; Schmalz et al., 2018 ; Lévesque & Murray, 2013), de cadres de l’action collective (Snow & Benford, 1988) et de ressources de pouvoir (Lévesque et Murray, 2010), l’article cherche à voir comment l’intersyndicale de NRTV, une entreprise audiovisuelle française, confrontée au pouvoir formel des dirigeants du Groupe pour orchestrer leur projet de restructurations avec suppressions d’effectifs, a réussi à modifier les structures de pouvoir (Kaplan, 2008) et à peser dans les négociations. L’analyse du discours de l’intersyndicale, entre l’annonce du projet de restructuration et la fin des négociations, nous a permis d’identifier quatre stratégies de cadrage utilisées pour faire face aux significations fournies par les dirigeants du Groupe (la réfutation, l’euphémisation, le dévoilement et le recadrage). Ce positionnement discursif, combiné à l’utilisation d’une stratégie de diffusion des cadres interprétatifs et d’action aussi bien informationnelle qu’interprétative (Demers, 1996), lui a permis de mobiliser ses soutiens internes et externes autour et même au-delà des actions qu’elle a menées et d’exercer une influence sur le processus et les résultats du changement.
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Feminism's Fight explores and assesses feminist strategies to advance gender justice through Canadian federal policy from the 1970s to the present. It tells the crucial story of a transformation in how feminism has been treated by governments and asks how new ways of organizing and emerging alliances can advance a feminist agenda of social and economic equality. This timely collection examines the ideas that feminists have put forward in pursuit of the goal of equality and traces the shifting frameworks employed by governments in response. The authors evaluate changing government orientations through the 1970s to 2020, revealing the negative impact on women's lives and the challenges posed for feminists. The COVID-19 pandemic has exacerbated the sexism, misogyny, and related systemic inequalities that remain widespread. Yet it has also revived feminist mobilization and animated calls for a new and comprehensive equality agenda for Canada. Feminism's Fight asks two key questions: What are the lessons from feminist engagement with federal government policy over fifty years? And what kinds of transformative policy demands will achieve the feminist goal of social and economic equality?-- Publisher's description
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Les cadres de pensée et d’action qui structurent la prévention des risques professionnels forment aujourd’hui un dispositif au sens de Foucault. Ce dispositif, qualifié de « doctrine de prévention », s’est construit en référence aux classes de situations industrielles et se retrouve aujourd’hui remis en question par les activités de service. À partir d’une analyse ergonomique du travail et de la conduite de projet de prévention dans une structure de médiation sociale, cet article cible un point spécifique de la doctrine qui s’inscrit en décalage avec l’activité des médiatrices : la subordination. En effet, le lien qui s’établit entre subordination et prévention amène à penser cette dernière dans un périmètre et sur un modèle du pouvoir éloignés de l’activité réelle des travailleuses. Cet article fournit ainsi des connaissances spécifiques sur l’écart entre la doctrine de prévention et les activités de service, mais ouvre également des perspectives de recherche au travers de la conceptualisation de la prévention en tant que dispositif.
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Drawing on engaging case studies, Essays in History of Canadian Law brings the law to life. The contributors to this collection provide rich historical and social context for each case, unravelling the process of legal decision-making and explaining the impact of the law on the people involved in legal disputes. Examining the law not simply as legislation and institutions, but as discourse, practice, symbols, rhetoric, and language, the chapters show the law as both oppressive and constraining and as a point of contention and means of resistance. This collection presents new approaches and concerns, as well as re-examinations of existing themes with new evidence and modes of storytelling. Contributors cover many thematic areas, from criminal to labour, civil, administrative, and human rights law, spanning English and French Canada, and ranging from the mid-eighteenth century to the late twentieth century. The legal cases vary from precedent-setting cases to lesser-known ones, from those driven by one woman’s quest for personal justice to others in which state actors dominate. Bringing to light how the people embroiled in these cases interacted with the legal system, the book reveals the ramifications of a legal system characterized by multiple layers of inequality. -- Publisher's description
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Throughout Canada, the need for care provision services is on the rise. The number of people willing and able to provide these care services is insufficient to address the growing need for care. Care work is provided by a mix of paid workers and unpaid family members. The majority of both these groups of care workers are women. Care work has long been undervalued as feminized labour, resulting in insufficient government support for family caregivers, and persistent labour issues within paid care sectors. In this thesis, I explore two distinct sets of Canadian federal policies related to care provision – Employment Insurance (EI) benefits for unpaid family caregivers, and the Home Child Care Provider and Home Support Worker Pilot Programs, which facilitate the immigration of private in-home caregivers to Canada – in order to discover whether they are underpinned by a shared set of similar assumptions about the nature of care work, who is best suited to perform it, and how it should be provided. In examining the assumptions about care that underpin and shape these policies related to care provision in Canada, I identify a number of consistent gendered themes about care and care providers and analyze their impact on policy outcomes.
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Chinese Canadians are one of the largest ethnic groups in the country. In the 2021 census, more than 1.7 million people reported being of Chinese origin. Despite their importance to the Canadian economy, including the construction of the Canadian Pacific Railway (CPR), many European Canadians were historically hostile to Chinese immigration. A prohibitive head tax restricted Chinese immigration to Canada from 1885 to 1923. From 1923 to 1947, the Chinese were excluded altogether from immigrating to Canada. (See Chinese Immigration Act)....
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The Chinese Immigration Act of 1923, known also as the Chinese Exclusion Act, banned the entry of virtually all Chinese immigrants for 24 years. Although migration into Canada from most countries was controlled or restricted in some way, only Chinese people were singled out completely from entering on the basis of race....
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Après avoir vécu une séparation difficile avec son copain engagé dans des affaires louches, Ariane se retrouve sans le sou. Afin d'éviter la vente de son condo, elle trouve un emploi de traductrice dans une entreprise de transformation alimentaire de la grande région de Montréal. Là, en plus des tâches administratives diverses, elle est chargée de traduire en espagnol les directives de Stéphane, le patron, aux employés guatémaltèques embauchés pour la saison estivale. Elle découvre alors un milieu contraignant et parfois cruel, géré d'une main de fer par les propriétaires français de l'usine. Témoin de pratiques injustes, voire illégales, à répétition, Ariane finit par se ranger du côté des travailleurs, quitte à perdre son emploi et se retrouver dans une situation financière plus que difficile. --Website description
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Musculoskeletal disorders (MSDs) are one of the main causes of work disability (EU-OSHA, 2019; WHO, 2019). Several solutions, including the cobotic system (EUROGIP, 2017), have been put forward to improve unhealthy working conditions and prevent MSDs. We sought to identify the MSD risk factors of workers on a screen-printed glass production line prior to introduction of a cobot. We used a mixed data collection technique: video observations and assessment of MSD risk factors by expert ergonomists, and then self-confrontation interviews with six production-line operators and subjective perception of risk factors. The two types of assessment (by experts and by operators) showed that the most demanding risk factors were physical (e.g., work posture) and psychosocial (e.g., mental workload). Certain risk factors were viewed differently by the experts and the operators. One question remains: How can a cobot make work more meaningful for operators?
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The article reviews the book, "Love’s Next Meeting: The Forgotten History of Homosexuality and the Left in American Culture," by Aaron S. Lecklider.
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