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Overseas Filipino Workers (OFWs) in Vancouver, Canada experience ongoing systematic conditioning processes that are rooted in Philippine colonial history. Utilizing a multi-ethnographic approach and a framework drawn from Berger and Luckmann's concept of institutionalization and Foucault's biopower, I rethink the Filipino labour diaspora and interrogate how empire, labour, and migration, shape Filipino trajectories. Existing scholarship has documented the structural and working conditions of Filipino labour migration; this research contributes by foregrounding how these arrangements between the Philippines and Canada are lived, internalized, and reproduced through the institutionalized subjectivities of the Filipino citizen, the ideal migrant, and the Bagong Bayani (new hero). These subjectivities sustain systemic inequalities, coerce joining the labour diaspora, and render OFWs more vulnerable to exploitation while glorifying their sacrifices as noble contributions to family and nation. I further discuss the agency and resistance of OFWs, who actively reimagine their subjectivities and challenge these neocolonial paradigms.

In 1904, the Qing monarchy announced the Presented Schools Regulation policy, which sought to modernize education in China by introducing a scientific curriculum to complement the classical curriculum rooted in Confucianism. At the same time, ongoing criticism of the ancient Chinese philosophy as the cause of contemporary social woes culminated in the May Fourth and New Culture Movements. As a result, the hold of Confucianism on Chinese society began to weaken over successive generations. Yet, these intellectual developments did not affect the Chinese in British Columbia, who continued to place their faith in Confucianism as an ideology that would bring harmony to society, especially in a society rife with anti-Chinese discrimination. This thesis examines the influence of Confucianism on the Chinese in British Columbia between 1923, the year the Chinese Immigration Act was imposed, and 1960, when Wong Foon Sien, a vocal advocate for Chinese immigration rights, resigned from the presidency of the Chinese Benevolent Association. It examines the extent to which the Chinese adhered to the teachings of Confucianism. On the one hand, the Chinese practised certain customs and continued to shape their relationships in accordance with neo-Confucianism, the same traditions criticized by the intellectuals in China. On the other, their ideals for the future were defined by the original Confucianism preserved in the Analects and Mencius. Throughout these years, the Chinese built schools to pass on traditional values and language, created Chinese Benevolent Associations to protect themselves from discrimination, contributed to the war efforts of China and Canada during the Second World War, and lobbied for fewer immigration restrictions after the repeal of the Immigration Act in 1947. In these endeavours, the Chinese demonstrated Confucian virtues of zhong (loyalty), yi (righteousness), and even ren (benevolence). This thesis elucidates Confucian principles as written in the Analects and Mencius and examines the motivations and actions of the Chinese from 1923 to 1960 through a Confucian framework. The research demonstrates that the values of Confucianism were still relevant to the Chinese who grew up in British Columbia during the first two decades of the twentieth century and continued to guide their actions throughout their lives.

Workplace racial discrimination remains a pervasive and harmful reality with profound implications for health and well-being. Drawing on evidence from three interrelated independent studies using both primary and secondary Canadian data, this research provides a comprehensive understanding of how workplace racial discrimination functions as both a social determinant of health and a chronic stressor contributing to adverse health outcomes and persistent health inequities. The findings demonstrate that workplace racial discrimination, manifesting through inequities in hiring, promotion, retention, and interpersonal interactions, increases the risks of significant psychological, physiological, and physical health outcomes for racialized workers. Experiencing workplace racial discrimination was strongly associated with heightened risks of anxiety, depression, stress and post-traumatic stress disorders, reinforcing mental health disparities across racialized groups. In addition, workplace racial discrimination increased perceptions of work-related stress, which in turn elevated the risk of diagnosed chronic conditions such as cardiovascular disease, Type 2 diabetes, high cholesterol, stroke effects and musculoskeletal disorders. Physiological assessments further revealed that recalling racial discrimination experiences contributes to dysregulated cardiovascular reactivity, including elevated systolic and diastolic blood pressure, as well as mean arterial pressure values above the normal range. Particularly severe forms of racial discrimination, implicating job loss, early retirement, undesirable resignation or leaves were linked to greater blood pressure increases. When incidents of racial discrimination were reported, especially when participants received acknowledgment of their experiences, physiological responses were attenuated. These results underscore the importance of personal action, recognition, accountability and institutional action in mitigating health risks. These findings underscore how workplace psychosocial stressors trigger harmful biological and physiological responses that may result in lasting health consequences. Taken together, this research highlights workplace racial discrimination as a critical public health concern that transcends individual experiences and reflects broader organizational inequities. Conceptualizing discrimination as a chronic stressor provides an essential understanding in addressing racial health disparities. The evidence points to the urgent need for organizational reforms, robust anti-discrimination policies, and workplace practices that not only prevent discrimination but also support the mental and physical health of racialized workers. Addressing workplace racism is not solely a matter of social justice; it is a public health imperative with the potential to reduce disparities, promote workplace equity, and improve the overall well-being of diverse populations.

Precarious work is becoming more common globally and the healthcare sector in Ontario, Canada is no exception. Aspects of precarious work such as low wages and job uncertainty have negative influences on work quality. Digital platforms (DPs) introduce the threat of gig work as a form of precarious work. With the growth of precarious gig work and its expansion into healthcare, it is important to understand how platform technology shapes actual work practices and the work-related protections for workers. This dissertation focuses on unregulated personal support workers (PSWs) who use DPs to find work. Specifically, there are two aims of this research: first is to examine the precarious work experiences of women PSWs who seek eldercare work via a DP model in order to understand socio-technical implications of DP; second is to examine the work-related protections that apply to digital platform care workers and how these shape work conditions. Using Institutional Ethnography as a guiding methodology, in 2023 and 2024 in Ontario I conducted semi-structured interviews with 20 PSWs who used DPs to find gig care work; I also interviewed 10 key informants who were in various positions of expertise about gig care work platforms. This included end-users of DPs such as clients and companies. Additionally, I observed workers demonstrating their use of DPs and examined screen shots from DPs. These PSWs face precarious work conditions, with precarity deepened by the technology of DPs. In the three papers comprising this thesis, I cover socio-technical elements of the DP model of care and portray how this form of work makes both workers and clients vulnerable. In the first manuscript, I describe two different models of gig care work platform, (marketplace and on-demand platforms) and explicate how each model is found in a separate sector of healthcare: marketplace models are found only in homecare, and on-demand models are found exclusively in long-term care and hospital organisations hiring workers. In the second manuscript, I describe the risk to hospital and LTC organisations in hiring gig care workers. In the third manuscript, I explore trust as I write about how homecare workers using DPs experience this work and how a couple of clients experience hiring workers. This thesis allowed me to closely examine how platform technology shaped the actual practices of women using DPs and their work circumstances. The primary contribution of this dissertation is revealing day-to-day experiences of gig care workers, filling a gap in the literature on location-based care platforms. The findings of this thesis underscore that DPs increase precarity for already-precarious PSWs. I demonstrate that instead of being neutral technology, DPs introduce a governing text of entrepreneurial self-employment which involves risk for the workers and clients using DPs. Organisations may not have opportunity to properly vet staff, train staff, or insure staff. Private clients gain access to more services when they use DPs, but then they shoulder all the risk when something goes wrong. Overall the DP form of gig care threatens growing precarious work, dodges social security and employment protections, and undermines publicly-provided care employment in Ontario, Canada.

“‘neither boy nor man’: Transnational Trade Identity in Canada’s Typographical Trade Press, 1860-1900” is situated at the intersection of literary, periodical, print historical, and labour studies. Examining the eight printing trade journals produced in central and eastern Canada during the later nineteenth century (Ontario, Quebec, and New Brunswick), this project contributes a Canadian dimension to extant scholarship on printing trade journals, which has mostly attended to British and American publications. This study of Canadian printers’ trade journals offers important insights for understanding how the Canadian trade was situated as a node within the printing trade’s transnational network. Journeymen hand typesetters working in the Canadian newspaper trade of the later nineteenth century identified various threats to their aristocratic trade identity: apprentices, amateur labourers, and tramp printers; rising literacy rates and the middle-class worker; women; the work of Black, Indigenous, and Chinese compositors; and the introduction of machines in typesetting. Situating these perceived threats within the context of local and transnational/transatlantic histories of printing, I demonstrate how journeymen used narrative, poetry, correspondence, humour, and visual devices as defensive tools to reinforce and protect the trade’s aristocratic labour identity and to associate the work of typesetting with masculinity, skill, superior intelligence, and whiteness. Due to Canada’s position within the British Empire and its proximity to the United States, the exclusionary discourses that Canadian journeymen compositors cultivated and circulated were shaped by both national and transatlantic labour discourses. Further, I argue that these representational strategies were largely misplaced, given that the actual threats of deskilling and technological unemployment resided not with half-trained compositors, women, and other apparent dangers to the trade, but in the structural conditions of print capitalism and of waged labour more generally. The textual and historical analysis of the labour discourses found within Canadian printing trade journals that I present in this dissertation demonstrates that Canadian journeymen were ultimately concerned about what changes to the economic and technological landscape of their trade at the end of the century would mean for their status as men whose identities were intrinsically tied to waged work, skill, and craftsmanship.

As manufacturing spaces deindustrialize, and are reabsorbed into the urban fabric, there is an opportunity to interrogate and reassess our collective relationship with work and material productivity. Under the expanding powers of automation, global capitalism, and new digital technologies, industrial zones experience a collapse of meaning before they are reappraised and reconstituted around immaterial activities. Rather than bringing us closer to work equity, the reappraisal of these spaces often contributes to gentrification, erases difficult labour histories, and perpetuates unsustainable narratives of continuous economic growth. This project takes the residential rezoning of Montreal’s Garment District on Rue Chabanel as a case study of a global manufacturing site in transition, and explore how a new program of housing can act upon the site as an act of hauntological critical heritage, that which reveals ruptures in time and space as the global north shifts towards an immaterial labour hegemony.

How have neoliberal discourses of the gig economy shaped the terrain of gig worker organizing in Ontario? This thesis interrogates and contextualizes Uber’s efforts to legitimize and further expand its operations in Ontario during and after the COVID-19 pandemic, focusing on the centrality of its appeals to (and reproduction of) workers’ entrepreneurial common sense in these endeavors. Drawing on ten-semi structured interviews with current and former Uber drivers and delivery workers, it explores the contradictory form of independence experienced by platform-mediated gig workers, reflecting on the significance of gig work being perceived as the “least worst option” within the contemporary labour landscape.

Since the 1970s, many OECD countries have seen a significant increase in maternal employment rates. In cross-national comparison, Canada has high maternal employment rates, but lags behind some Nordic and East European countries. Within this context, this study explores how larger social, cultural and policy environments shape mothers' employment experiences, challenging the notion that women prefer to opt out of the labour force when they have children To conduct this analysis, I drew on focus groups (n=19) and individual interviews (n=39) with 58 mothers in Canada with preschool children in the province of Alberta. The key finding from this study was that the majority of mothers, despite wanting to continue their careers alongside parenthood, experienced challenges integrating unpaid and paid work. To navigate these challenges, mothers employed various strategies, including seeking flexibility at work, reducing work hours, or opting out of employment. Yet, many remained ambivalent regarding their employment arrangements. I detail the ways in which paid parental leave and childcare policies acted as facilitators or barriers to mothers’ labour force participation. Overall, the findings indicate that current policies are not sufficient to support mothers in the labour force. This study adds to a body of Canadian literature that examines how barriers such as pervasive gender norms in the workplace and households, and workplace inflexibility, create barriers to mothers’ labour force participation and impact mothers’ experiences in the labour market.

This dissertation examines the intersection between two significant economic and societal challenges: an aging workforce and rapid technological change. The aging workforce is a growing concern, particularly in Canada, where the population of older workers (55 years and older) surpasses that of younger entrants (15 to 24 years). This demographic shift, already contributing to labour shortages in key sectors like manufacturing and healthcare, poses risks to labour participation rates and the stability of healthcare and pension systems (Acemoglu & Restrepo, 2017; Maestas et al., 2016). Given the projected exodus of older workers and limited incoming replacements, scholars and practitioners advocate for delayed or phased retirements to mitigate talent shortages. Simultaneously, technological change reshapes work, presenting opportunities and challenges, especially for older workers who may find adapting to new technologies daunting. This environment makes it critical to understand how technology affects older workers' experiences, including their retirement intentions. I conducted two studies to better understand the impact of technology and technological changes on older workers' work experiences. In Study One, I conducted a systematic literature review to synthesize existing research on technology's impact on older workers, with a comprehensive analysis of 121 articles, including both peer-reviewed (n=82) and grey literature sources (n=39). Thematic analysis revealed key areas in the current literature, such as socio-demographic factors, training and development, and retirement planning. The results of this study also included descriptive insights on journals, methodologies, regions, and publication dates, highlighting 14 important research gaps. These gaps guided recommendations for future studies, which aim to address the implications of technological innovations on an aging workforce. In the second study, I empirically examined the relationship between technological change and older workers' retirement intentions using a sample of 361 participants. Testing a moderated mediation model grounded in the Job Demand-Resources (JD-R) theory, I analyzed burnout and perceived work ability as serial mediators alongside moderating factors of computer self-efficacy, technological training, and organizational justice. Findings accentuate the complex interplay of burnout, work ability, and retirement intentions, emphasizing that burnout negatively impacts work ability, which in turn influences retirement intentions. Notably, technological training significantly moderated the relationship between burnout and work ability, reinforcing its role as an important factor shaping older workers' capacity to adapt within technologically evolving work environments. Ultimately, this dissertation provides valuable implications for both theory and practice. The findings from both studies provide important directions for the successful integration and retention of older employees in the rapidly changing technological work environment, as well as for creating a supportive work environment for them.

Canada is wholly reliant on migrant farmworkers who provide cheap labour while being barred from a wide range of rights and services, including pathways to permanent residency (Sharma, 2012; Satzewhich, 1990; Basok, 2002). Whereas most of the research on migrant farmworkers follows a deficit model, my thesis focuses on collective agency by asking: how do migrant farmworkers create a sense of home in Canada while unable to settle permanently in the country? Drawing from interviews and participant observation conducted in Guatemala and Canada, I show how migrant farmworkers exceed the boundaries of the farms where they live and work, forging their own modes of social organization using Indigenous Mayan cultural logic. Framing migrant farmworkers as strategic boundary-crossers, I highlight how they breach farm borders and, through the exchange of ideas across nation-states, inspire new migration journeys.

Seeking to understand why public servants took so long to achieve labour rights—particularly the right to strike—compared to those in the broader economy, this dissertation explores the historical evolution of labour relations within the Ontario Public Service (OPS) from 1867 to 2017. Through an examination of the interplay between institutions and broader socio-economic and political forces, viewed through a critical institutionalist framework, this study argues that the development of OPS labour relations is defined by three distinct eras. The first era, from Confederation until the 1960s, was dominated by the principle of parliamentary sovereignty, which limited the labour rights available to public servants. The second era, from the 1960s to the 1990s, saw the ideology of the governing party as the primary dynamic, with party ideology playing a significant role in the emergence of public servants’ right to strike. Starting in the 1990s, the third era saw the rise of neoliberalism shift the focus of governments of all partisan stripes toward cost containment. As a result, this era was marked by hard bargaining and practical constraints on the feasibility of the strike option. This study demonstrates how these primary factors, along with other influences such as worker militancy and class relations, have shaped the long development of the OPS labour relations regime. The dissertation concludes that, despite significant legislative changes, the government has nevertheless retained considerable control over the material outcomes of the public service labour relations system.

This thesis explores the concept of culinary placemaking through the lens of Global Political Economy (GPE), focusing on how foodwork functions as a relational practice that shapes social, cultural, and economic spaces. It examines the relationships among food, labour, and place, emphasizing the ways in which workers transform culinary environments into meaningful places through their physical, emotional, and creative contributions. Drawing on existing literature, the research highlights how neoliberal policies have commodified food and labour, leading to increased precarity and alienation for food workers. Despite these challenges, culinary workers actively resist the pressures of globalization by fostering localized food systems, emphasizing cultural and social engagement, and envisioning alternative economic models such as cooperatives and farm-to-table initiatives. This thesis finds that culinary placemaking not only resists commodification but also offers opportunities for social cohesion, cultural expression, and economic resilience. Furthermore, the research touches upon the gendered dimensions of culinary labour, demonstrating how workers navigate power dynamics within professional kitchens and community food spaces. Future research directions include exploring the evolving role of consumers in culinary placemaking, addressing labour precarity through policy interventions, and investigating how Indigenous economies contribute to decolonial approaches to food sovereignty. By situating foodwork within the broader political and economic context, this thesis contributes to a deeper understanding of the transformative potential of culinary labour in fostering inclusive, sustainable, and culturally resonant food spaces.

This dissertation critiques the soldier in capitalist society as a category of social labour that produces the state capacity for political violence. Identifying soldiering labour is essential to historicizing how this social capacity of labouring people is fetishized as the military power of the state. From the perspective of this project, the substance of the labour of the soldier is affected but not resolved by a resolution of form (such as the standing army, or transition from a draft to an all-volunteer army). What is discovered through historical and theoretical analysis and soldiers’ struggles themselves, is that historical class struggles in the military can be read as contests for political sovereignty over the labour of political violence: literal power over cooperative labour, not merely over institutions, or freedom in the ‘spheres’ of politics and economics. It captures the necessity of emancipation in one as a condition of the emancipation of the other; and that of the soldier as a condition for everyone else’s so long as we are to be concerned with the entirety of human life and not the exception of a single nation-state’s population.

In the American and Canadian warehouses of the e-commerce giant Amazon, electronic workplace surveillance (“EWS”) technologies permit the unprecedented quantification and datafication of worker activity, enabling the setting and enforcing of unsafe productivity ‘quotas’ that lead to serious occupational injuries for warehouse workers. In this paper, I consider the role of Canadian law – namely, the employment, privacy, and occupational health and safety legal regimes in the province of Ontario – in enabling, and in potentially constraining, this phenomenon in Ontario’s Amazon warehouses. In doing so, I identify the ‘legal silence’ that shapes the lived experiences of Amazon warehouse workers in Ontario; contribute to the emerging theorization, particularly from a legal perspective, of EWS as a factor impacting workers’ physical health; and propose legal reforms that would improve the safety and well-being of Amazon warehouse workers – and other similarly-situated workers – across the province.

This thesis undertook an interpretivist historical analysis of the publicly available Canadian Amateur Hockey Association (CAHA) meeting minutes from 1936 to 1952. A Foucauldian lens of disciplinary power was used to answer the research question: how was the National Hockey League (NHL) able to develop a professional sponsorship system within the CAHA following World War II, and what effects did this have on Canadian minor hockey. The results found that following the signing of the CAHA/NHL agreement, the NHL exercised its disciplinary power over the CAHA members to instill in them what Foucault termed ‘docility.’ The birth of the professional sponsorship system following WWII was a result of this disciplining and docility. Through this system, the NHL brought its disciplinary technologies directly to bear on Canadian minor hockey and gained the ability to control players' rights from ages as young as twelve years old.

This dissertation examines the lives and work of American and Canadian telegraph operators from 1870 to 1929. While historians have studied the telegraph as a technology and a business, few have integrated telegraphy with histories of class, gender, or the human body. Integrating the bodily turn means recognizing the physicality of telegraph work. This dissertation centres the bodies of telegraph operators and seeks to contextualize those bodies within the larger technological and corporate systems in which they were embedded. Operators’ class identities have often been ambiguous or misunderstood. I argue that telegraph work was real, physical work, in a way that has too often been elided, and that it is important to see operators as part of the working class. Ultimately, this dissertation demonstrates the ways in which human bodies and human labour can be erased within large technological networks. I explore the historical significance of that erasure and its relevance for understanding the precarity of labour in high-tech industries today.

Climate change has reached crisis mode, and confronting it requires confronting corporations, economic planning, policies that exacerbate this process, and social relations that enable such policies and economic paths. This dissertation shows how settler colonialism in Canada revolves today around extractivism. This fact makes the struggle for land critical and highlights how Canadian nationalism is an obstacle to Indigenous solidarity and environmentalism. In 2020, the Shut Down Canada movement that started from Wet'suwet'en territories against building the CGL pipeline on their land, which was a scale-up from the Idle No More movement, underscored the importance of the Land Back movement for environmental justice. Its tactic of shutting down critical infrastructures was the largest scale in Canada's recent history of Indigenous resistance at the time. The well-documented militarized attacks on Wet'suwet'en unceded territories creates a dilemma that should concern every activist. At the same time, the impressive organizing efforts that started from Unist'ot'en as a space of resistance provide lessons for every movement. The case of the CGL pipeline and Wet'suwet'en resistance puts us at the conjuncture of three movements: the issue of solidarity between labour, anti-capitalist Environmentalists and the Indigenous movement. In this dissertation, I strategically explore possibilities for building strong Indigenous-environmentalist-labour solidarity. Through extensive policy analysis of the critical infrastructure risk management approach and media analysis of the CIRG task force, I explore a hidden link between the security arm of one of the largest global investment corporations, KKR, RCMP, and TC Energy executives. The government's risk management approach has enabled such a link, which facilitates and encourages conversations between the involved actors. The state's claim to the so-called public/Canadian interest in pipelines is of utmost importance to this dissertation. The concept of Canadian interest works as a settler colonial and national ideology of governing; historically and presently, the concept creates an umbrella that includes the Canadian working class as it excludes Indigenous communities, along with the processes of reproducing nature and non-capitalist forms of economy that many radical environmentalists try to create through commons. A lack of land-based analysis of the situation of working-class people in Canadian labour has turned the labour movement into a more economistic version of trade unionism, one that does not actively oppose Canadian nationalism.

This studio-based dissertation project emerges from my engagement with the politics of representation of labour and visual culture. Rooted in my experience as a Mexican artist living in Canada, the project examines how Mexican labour is framed through photography, performance, and installation. These themes form the central focus of my research, which moves across Lands and disciplinary forms to investigate how systems of power shape the representation of Mexican workers and how irony can be used as a tool to question dominant narratives. The written component of this dissertation forms part of an interdisciplinary thesis that includes a series of exhibitions and performances carried out between 2021 and 2025 in today’s Mexico and Canada. The artworks, presented across artist-run centres in Ontario and as outdoor installations, use staged photographs, installations, participatory works, to examine labour, value, and exchange. These pieces were shown in the province of Ontario, Canada and the state of Coahuila, Mexico. My thesis engages with a range of theoretical frameworks to support and extend my artistic practice. Drawing from visual culture theory, performance studies, and participatory art discourse, I incorporate the work of theorists such as Stuart Hall, Jacques Derrida, and Claire Bishop, among others. As a whole, this dissertation considers how visual and performance-based practices can challenge representations of Mexican labour across Lands and reflect on the systems that shape the movement of people, goods, and images. The written component includes five chapters, followed by photographic documentation of the works and exhibitions produced during my doctoral studies. Together, the writing and the artworks propose a critical reflection on contemporary labour and visual politics.

In 1980s Ontario, racialized migrant domestic workers faced systemic exploitation, precarious immigration status, and exclusion from labour protections, reinforced by provincial and federal policies that devalued domestic labour. This thesis examines how INTERCEDE, a Toronto-based coalition, challenged these structural inequalities. Employing an intersectional approach, this study reveals how race, gender, immigration status, and class collectively marginalized migrant care workers. Drawing on extensive primary sources, it analyzes INTERCEDE's influence on major policy changes, including reforms to the Foreign Domestic Movement (FDM) program and to provincial labour laws. The thesis argues that while INTERCEDE efforts contributed to securing significant, albeit often fragile, victories, these gains highlighted both the power of activism and the persistent challenges under neoliberal regimes. It contributes to feminist labour history, migration studies, and care work scholarship by demonstrating how organized resistance reshaped Canadian policy and contested institutionalized marginalization.

Since the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic in early 2020, many Canadians have become newly aware of problematic power imbalances and potential for abuse under the Temporary Foreign Worker Program (TFWP), which forms a key component of the Canadian agri-food workforce. The increased attention brought to some of the negative outcomes of Canada’s agricultural migrant labour system appear to have prompted an industry response, including through the More than a Migrant Worker initiative launched by a collection of agri-food industry groups. This dissertation presents the results of research on texts gathered from the More than a Migrant Worker initiative. Critical discourse analysis was used to identify themes, arguments, and rhetorical techniques the initiative employs to convey a narrative about migrant farm workers to the public. Findings indicate that these agri-food industry groups have adopted a defensive stance in response to critiques of migrant labour policies, as demonstrated by the discourse’s treatment of themes such as migrant workers’ and their families’ financial motivations, the purported necessity of migrant labour to sustain Canadian food production, and the formal rights and protections built into the TFWP, combined with a de-emphasis of the evidence of persistent systemic issues in the protection of migrant workers from mistreatment. The findings support a theoretical framework of managed migration based on a combination of Labour Market Segmentation Theory and the New Economics of Labour Migration, in which the devaluation of agricultural work in the domestic labour market and the disruption of traditional economies by neoliberal global market forces generate a demand for and supply of migrant labour, respectively. The paper’s conclusion provides directions for further research to expand academic knowledge of migrant labour discourse and migration theory, as well as recommendations for policy makers, the agri-food industry, and advocacy groups for productive policy discussions that find consensus on ways to protect and improve the conditions of migrant farm workers.