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...In this thesis we examine the history of the telephone workers, from their earliest organizing efforts to their public campaigns of today. In restricting the restructuring of their work, telephone workers have often been in the leadership successfully applying and developing militant labour tactics, from the first successful "hello girls" strike of 1902 to the dramatic provincial-wide seizing of exchanges by telephone workers in 1981. The history of the Telecommunications Workers Union provides a valuable case study of workers' efforts to build and maintain their union in [the] face of massive and continual technological change.

What role the law should play in encouraging the growth of trade unions is a matter of considerable controversy in Canada, the United States, and the United Kingdom. Limits to growth in other sectors of the economy coupled with heightened employer hostility to unionism have made the extension of collective bargaining to the tertiary sector the most pressing task for unions in the 1980s. In a limited way, the Canadian procedure for certifying and recognizing unions is being considered as a model for labour law reform. And there is much to recommend the Canadian system. It is far more efficient than its American counterpart. There are fewer delays, fewer unlawful interventions by employers, and a substantially higher likelihood that newly organized unions will be granted certification. Even so, unions have failed to break into the trade, finance, and services industries that are so critical to their future. Taken as a whole, Canadian labour law tends to block rather than promote the growth of unions in the unorganized sectors of the economy. The certification procedure is only one aspect of a legal regime that has as its primary purpose the preservation of industrial peace, not the encouragement of union growth. By shaping bargaining structure and regulating bargaining tactics, Canadian labour law tilts the balance of power in favour of employers. Small, fragmented unions are frequently pitted against large corporations and as there is nothing to stop antiunion employers from using their overwhelming strength to frustrate the collective bargaining process, efforts to organize the tertiary sector have failed.

In February 1944 the Canadian federal government introduced Order in Council PC 1003, a system of compulsory collective bargaining which has been conventionally characterized as the culmination of the gradual evolution in federal labour relations policy towards the greater recognition of trade unions and collective bargaining. The issue addressed in this thesis is whether this characterization is accurate. As against the tendency to present federal intervention in collective bargaining as having developed towards some inevitable maturity, the account presented herein seeks to draw attention to the suppressed alternatives of history. Thus, the thesis begins with an examination of PC 1003'S historical antecedents dating back to 1900. This is followed by an examination of the developments during the Second World War. Instead of concentrating upon federal collective bargaining policy as a means of responding to wartime pressures by establishing a mechanism for mediating and resolving disputes between labour and capital, the thesis emphasizes the extent to which the policy was part of the large post-war settlement. By ignoring this, the conventional account has failed to provide any guidance for understanding either the actual provisions wheich were introduced or the longevity of PC 1003 as the dominant institutional model for Canadian labour relations. By contrast, if PC 1003 is understood as part of an attempt to forge a post-war settlement between labour and capital it is possible to identify the general thrust of the Order. Although it represented a fundamental shift in Canadian labour policy in that employers were compelled to recognize unions for the purpose of collective agreements, PC 1003 did not radically alter the balance of power to make it easier to organize or constrain managerial prerogatives. In fact, PC 1003 was consistent with the federal government's historical preoccupation with promoting responsible unions and attaining industrial peace and stability.

This study explores the subject of cross-national variations in industrial conflict, looking specifically at a 'matched set' of factories in Canada and Britain. The comparison between these two countries is intriguing. Since 1943, Canadian governments have sought to regulate industrial conflict by a distinct formula whose three pillars are a) legally enforceable collective agreements meant to circumscribe disputable issues, b) the outlawing of strikes during the term of the collective agreement, and c) the substitution, for industrial action, of a well-defined grievance and arbitration procedure to settle the disputable issues arising during that term. Dispute resolution is formal, collective agreements are comprehensive and arbitral jurisprudence is encyclopaedic. In Britain, on the other hand, dispute resolution has been left almost entirely to the parties themselves. Collective agreements are not enforceable and sketch the barest details of co-regulation. An ill-defined body of 'custom and practice' still governs in most day-to-day disputes. Strikes are legally possible for all groups of employees at any time on any issue related to the workplace. And arbitration, though available, is voluntary and widely shunned by both parties. Dispute resolution is highly informal. While one might, from this comparison, predict a higher level of strike activity in Britain, Canada has equalled or surpassed Britain over the past twenty-five years in industrial conflict. Why might this be so? The study reviews several sets of theories on cross-national variations in industrial conflict and finds that the Canada-Britain comparison does not fit any of them. Suggesting a synthesis of the "institutional" and "political economy” theoretical approaches, it proposes to concentrate on the political struggle over production at the shop floor in a "politics of production" approach. Defining four "political apparatuses of production" (interests, rights, adjustments and enforcements), the study examines how these "microinstitutions" for conflict-handling articulate with three key loci on the frontier of control where conflict can erupt (discipline, the structuring of the internal labour market and job control). Through the use of intensive interviews in four workplaces (two in each country) in the brewing and aluminium fabrication industries and the analysis of general data on industrial relations in the two countries, the analytical framework is applied to examine the generation and resolution of industrial conflict.

This dissertation examines the evolution of the mining industry in three British dominions during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Adopting a case study approach, it describes the establishment and growth of mining in Rossland, British Columbia; Broken Hill, New South Wales; and Waihi, New Zealand. Separate chapters trace developments in each area, focussing on the emergence of organised labour, the growth of mining companies and the sophistication of mining operations. These underline the need to consider diverse themes, maintaining that the mining industry's pattern of growth can be understood only by adopting such a broad approach. Following the three case studies, the final chapters of the dissertation offer a comparative analysis of Rossland, Waihi and Broken Hill. The study emphasises the similarities of these three communities, especially the cycle of growth, and identifies a crucial common denominator. Despite differences in climate, in the type and nature of the ore deposit and in the scale of mining activity, all three areas experienced a common trajectory of initial boom followed by subsequent retrenchment. The changing character of the resource base forced this fundamental alteration of productive relations. In each region, the mineral content of the ore declined as the mines went deeper. In addition, with depth the ore tended to become more difficult to treat. Faced with a decline in the value of the product of their mines, companies had to adopt sweeping changes in order to maintain profitable operations. This re-structuring was accomplished in a variety of ways, but the most significant factors, common to Rossland, Broken Hill and Waihi, were the heightened importance of applied science and economies of scale. Both developments underlined the growing importance of the mining engineer and technological innovations, principally in milling and smelting operations. In addition, new non-selective extractive techniques reduced the significance of skilled underground labour. The re-structuring of the industry not only had similar causes but also had a similar effect. The comparative chapter on labour relations, for example, argues that these managerial initiatives were closely associated with militant episodes in each community. While the leading companies in Rossland, Waihi and Broken Hill successfully reduced their working costs, they all faced the same ultimate end. Their long-term success or failure reflected the skill with which they coped with the inevitable depletion of their ore body. The common experience of Rossland, Waihi and Broken Hill demonstrates the importance of placing colonial development within a larger context. Regional historians should make greater use of the comparative approach, rather than continuing to focus on the unique and the particular.

This thesis makes a contribution to three areas of sociological thought. First, it is concerned with the elaboration and extension of the political economy approach to migration as it is represented in the work of Stephen Castles and his various co-authors. It suggests that the work of Castles, et al., is relatively silent on the role of the state, and ideological relations in the structuration of migration. In seeking to further refine the political economy framework as it is applied to migration, this thesis draws upon two other sets of literature which, in part, have emerged as counters to some of the more economistic of their formulations. In this light, the second area of sociological literature I draw upon is the recent work on the concepts of free and unfree labour. Finally, this thesis is informed by an analysis of recent debates on the concept of racialization. In synthesizing these three strands of sociology, this thesis advances the theoretical claim that political economy oriented theorists should focus on modes of incorporation, or the manner in which foreign-born labour articulates with capital and the state. Within this context, four distinct modes of incorporation under capitalism are identified. These modes of incorporation are designated as: free immigrant labour, unfree immigrant labour, free migrant labour and unfree migrant labour. This thesis suggests that agents are subject to particular modes of incorporation, in part, on the basis on the process of racialization. This thesis uses the cases of late nineteenth and early twentieth century Chinese migration to Canada, and the post-1945 migration of farm labourers, from a number of source countries, including, specifically, the Netherlands, Poland, Germany, and the Caribbean, to the south western Ontario fruit and vegetable industry to highlight the centrality of the state in the process of migration, and the differential modes of incorporation of foreign-born persons into sites in production relations. Furthermore, the process of racialization is seen to have an impact on whether particular groups are allowed entry to a social formation, and upon how they are incorporated into sites in production relations.

The first two decades of the twentieth century saw a dramatic period of innovation and expansion in public health programmes in Britain and Canada. This thesis argues that this period of growth and change in public health was one aspect of a major reorientation of social policy. This reorientation had two major features. First, the national working classes of Britain, Canada and other countries were increasingly delimited through immigration controls and similar means of regulating international mobility. Secondly, new social programmes were developed which attempted to improve the physical, mental and moral condition of these delimited working classes, on the basis that their well-being was the foundation of national productivity. Public health played a major role in both the delimitation and improvement of national working classes. In Canada, the first major programme of immigration controls was introduced in this period, centering around the selection or rejection of immigrants on the basis of medical inspection conducted according to public health criteria. In both Britain and Canada, new public health programmes were developed which aimed to improve the condition of the working class. This was to be accomplished primarily through home visiting programmes which attempted through education and Inspection to establish standards for the domestic labour of women as mothers and home-makers. This thesis examines the contribution of public health to this reorientation of social policy primarily through the analysis of the theoretical work of key policy-makers as reported in professional journals and government documents. These officials displayed a keen sociological understanding of the broader significance of their activities in the development of a productive national working class prepared for work or war. Indeed, they understood clearly that the health of nations is an important basis of the wealth of nations.

The Great Depression which struck all western nations in the 1930s was a period of great hardship for Newfoundlanders. Its burdens fell particularly hard on the island's loggers and their families. During the 1930s, for at least part of the year, nearly 6,000 Newfoundlanders toiled in the woods. While some worked full-time, many laboured part-time to supplement their meagre earnings from the fishery. Their labour contributed significantly to a forest products industry which, during the 1930s, was regularly valued at over $15 million a year and, in many years, made up over 50 per cent of the value of the island's exports. And yet, despite their numbers and their contribution to Newfoundland's economy we have heard very little of these loggers' lives and as Greg Kealey puts it, "their struggles to minimize their oppression and to improve the lives of their families and their class." This thesis examines the working lives of Newfoundland loggers during the Great Depression, their labour processes, strikes, collective actions and attempts to organize in the latter half of the decade. In 1930 there were no unions specifically for loggers. By 1939, however, there were three unions, the Newfoundland Lumbermen's Association, the Newfoundland Labourers' Union, and the Workers' Central Protective Union all of which represented loggers in the regions where they were based. The Fishermen's Protective Union was also still active in the 1930s negotiating agreements on behalf of loggers on the northeast coast of the island. This thesis looks at the emergence, structure, and effectiveness of the unions and at their damaging rivalries. In doing so, it charts the changes these organizations forged in the relations between labour and capital in the Newfoundland woods before World War II.

This thesis examines the historical development of hospital-based nursing and its labour process in Ontario between 1850 and 1922. By building upon feminist critiques of Marxist theory, the thesis seeks to apply class and gender as empirically significant concepts. The analysis proceeds at two levels of abstraction. First, it locates the emergence of nursing vis-a-vis the growth of hospital-based care, both of which were influenced by broader changes in society, the economy and family. Secondly, it links changes in the content and control over nurses' work to those broader social changes, and more specifically to the struggles between physicians, hospital administrators, and nursing superintendents at the level of the workplace, namely the hospital.

In 1981 the Canadian Union of Public Employees (CUPE) staged a strike in Ontario Hospitals. This dissertation is an exploratory case study of the causes and effects of that strike. The dissertation employs elements of the labour process theory to evaluate the hospital worker's action and in so doing provides an opportunity to contribute to the on-going debate concerning this theory. The study is centred on the hospitals of Greater Hamilton and Burlington Ontario. It assesses the role of political environment, union structure and action, and gender in creating and sustaining the conditions for strike action in the public sector. The economic and political situation leading to the strike is analyzed with a view to understanding how the fiscal crisis in Canada led to the strike. Labour legislation and the fiscal policies of the federal and provincial governments had an impact on hospitals and their workers. Labour legislation in the hospital sector destroyed collective bargaining at a time when changes unpopular with the workers were taking place in the hospital. This encouraged the decision to strike. The majority of hospital workers in 1981 were women. The dissertation explores, through interviews and archival data, a possible link between gender and the decision to strike. Some changes in the organization of hospital work broke an important care-giving link between women workers and patients. The repercussions of the strike include charges for the union, for women, and the wider political consequences such as the further undermining of the Hospital Labour Disputes Arbitration Act. The dissertation concludes that the strike was caused by labour process changes made by management faced with government cost cutting measures. These changes were particularly upsetting to the majority of workers who were women. The illegality of the strike did not deter the decision to strike because the government labour legislation had destroyed the 'normal' bargaining process. Therefore workers felt that there was no real choice but to strike

This thesis examines the race and ethnic relations between migrant seasonal agricultural workers in the Okanagan Valley of British Columbia, Canada, from the turn of the century to the present. This analysis includes Chinese, Doukhobor, Japanese, Indian, and French agricultural workers. The research problem is one of determining the nature of race and ethnic relations between these groups and the predominantly English host community, where it was hypothesized that racism, ethnic prejudice, and ethnic discrimination would be prevalent. Historical research was conducted using existing local literature and archival data from local museums and newspaper companies. Survey research was conducted on contemporary migrant seasonal agricultural workers and consisted of a questionnaire. The thesis begins with a description of the Okanagan Valley and a literature review of agricultural labour in Western Europe, the United States, and Canada. Segmented labour markets and, race and ethnic relations provide the theoretical framework for the study. The secondary labour market explains the concentration of racial and ethnic minorities in agriculture. A theoretical model of French-English ethnic relations explains the ethnic discrimination of French migrant seasonal agricultural workers. The historical research findings show that racism was experienced by Chinese and Japanese workers, and ethnic discrimination was experienced by Doukhobor workers. The survey research included a general documentation of demographic and social data for current migrant workers, and these data indicate they are similar to workers elsewhere. The housing and working conditions of these workers are poor. Workers are exposed to dangerous chemical pesticides. The main survey research findings centre on the ethnic discrimination experienced by French migrant workers. This discrimination occurred primarily in their leisure activities, and to a lesser extent, in the area of employment. There was no evidence of a split-labour market on the basis of wages alone. The thesis ends with a discussion on the possible legislative and social policy implications of the findings in the areas of health and safety, and racial/ethnic prejudice and discrimination. There is a discussion of discrimination and the law, educational programs, and the necessary changes in community processes and structures.