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Introduces documents pertaining to the explosion at West Canadian Colleries' No. 1 mine at Bellevue, Alberta, on 9 December 1910, that killed 21 miners. No charges were laid despite evidence that there was negligence in inspection and enforcement procedure.
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L'auteur remet en question l'hypothèse que la grève de l'amiante de 1949 ait été l'élément moteur du développement de la conscience ouvrière au Québec. La grève du textile de 1937 avait suscité un même type de prise de conscience: les deux conflits s'étaient développés de la même façon au niveau local; les deux ont lié des objectifs généraux concernant l'ensemble de l'industrie; dans les deux cas, la grève est déclenchée après que les travailleurs n'aient pas réussi à obtenir la reconnaissance de leur syndicat par le patron et l'obtention d'un contrat collectif; et finalement, les dirigeants de la C.T.C.C. assumèrent la direction des deux grèves.
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During the war years extensive trade union growth was accompanied by serious industrial unrest. Wage controls, inadequate labour representation on war policy making bodies, and the absence of collective bargaining legislation resulted in antagonistic labour-government relations. The government's strict enforcement of wage controls and refusal to enact legislation to handle the growing number of "recognition strikes' ' contributed to labour's growing alienation. The T.L.C. and the C.C.L., despite their organizational rivalry, united to demand new legislation modelled after the American Wagner Act. The labour movement also forged a formal relationship with the C.C.F. The federal government decided to maintain wage controls despite their unpopularity; however, the C.C.F. 's growing popularity, its electoral victories, and the success of the recently passed Ontario collective bargaining legislation, caused the government to introduce a new labour relations policy in 1944 (PC 1003). This order became the basis for a new labour relations framework which recognized the status of collective bargaining. Labour did not achieve significant representation on government policy making bodies, but it did achieve representation on the permanent tribunals which were set up to administer the labour legislation. At the local level, employees were more readily able to organize into trade unions and negotiate collective agreements. This permanently undermined traditional management prerogatives and to this extent employees achieved a new status and a degree of participation in industrial decision making.
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The Halifax baking and confectionery industry was characterized by the uneasy coexistence of craft bakeries, manufactories, and one factory. A stratified system of production produced a stratified labour force, in which the journeymen bakers alone were able to organize a union. Their struggles reveal a cleavage between factory workers and other journeymen in the industry.
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Les recherches récentes sur les artisans aux États-Unis mettent l'accent sur le caractère évolutif du développement capitaliste, sur la transmission des idées révolutionnaires du XVIIIe siècle au mouvement ouvrier du siècle suivant, sur la résistance des travailleurs à la discipline du travail en système capitaliste et sur le comportement des foules comme source d'analyse de la conscience populaire.
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This paper examines charivaris and whitecapping in 19th-century North America. Establishing the presence of the charivan/shivaree over the course of the century and of whitecapping in the years 1885-1905, the study examines two particular ritualistic forms of enforcing community standards and behaviour. Commonly directed against unnatural marriage, sexual offenders, wife beaters, and those who defied acceptable standards of behaviour (including employers and strikebreakers), charivaris and whitecapping posed the threatening order of custom against the rule of law. As such, they challenged, implicitly if not explicitly, a developing bourgeois hegemony. In studying them, we learn much about society and culture, order and disorder, in the 19th-century past, forces crucial to an understanding of the plebeian and working-class communities.
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This article analyzes the causes and significance of the 1907 Toronto Bell Telephone strike, which aroused considerable public sympathy and resulted in a Royal Commission. The author discusses the attitudes of the Bell Telephone Company, the government (especially Mackenzie King), middle class opinion and organized labour towards these women workers. She also examines some of the reasons for the operators' failure to make substantial gains or organize into a union, despite their militant effort to fight wage cutbacks and an increase in hours.
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The 1916 Hamilton machinists' strike was the first prolonged work stoppage to disrupt munitions production during the First World War. It exhibited many of the features which were to become a fixed pattern in Canadian industrial relations through to 1919: fierce employer resistance to the demands of organized labour: opportunistic policy decisions by government and the Imperial Munitions Board: and embattled trade union leaders struggling to assert their own code of responsible union behaviour against a restive membership. This paper explores each of these themes as well as the strike's impact on the labour movement in Hamilton and the rest of Canada.
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[The article studies] the sugar beet workers of Southern Alberta and their attempt during the Depression to organize a trade union. Radical militants from the Farmers and Workers Unity Leagues organized the foreign born workers and in 1935 and 1936 led strikes which brought the "class struggle" to the farm gate. Observing the exploitative relationship which also existed between the beet growers and the Rogers Sugar Company, union leaders attempted to create a worker-grower movement against the Company. This proved an unrealizable goal, and the collaboration of growers, the sugar company and the state ultimately crushed the beet workers' union.
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English/French abstracts of articles in the issue.
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