Your search

The Canadian labour market has experienced numerous changes over the last four decades. Employment has moved away from manufacturing and towards service sector jobs. Technological changes have brought computer-based technologies and, more recently, robotics and artificial intelligence to the workplace. World prices of oil and natural resources have fluctuated considerably. International trade with China and other emerging countries has risen. E-commerce has become a growing part of firms’ sales. Since March 2020, work arrangements have been altered substantially, with thousands of employees starting to work from home. In this context, how have unionization rates evolved in Canada? The goal of this note is to answer this question. --Introduction

Doug Ford’s use of notwithstanding thus becomes a declaration that he is engaged in class war. The legal niceties do not matter. He has unleashed a weapon of mass destruction. The right response is for CUPE, and all those who want to support them, to fight the fight in the same spirit. It is time to show the dominant class that without workers, they would not have anything.

Canada’s trade preference programs should be improved to raise living standards and improve working conditions and environmental policies

For many Canadians, a professor is a professor. The truth is that the professional and economic conditions of full-time tenured and tenure-track faculty and contracted instructors are drastically different.

In 1992, a labour dispute that would last 18 months tore Yellowknife apart, culminating in an explosion that killed nine miners. The fallout of one of Canada’s largest mass murders still lingers in this northern city.

One hundred and fifteen years ago this September, downtown Vancouver was beset by thousands of protesters rallying against Asian immigration to Canada. Over the course of the event, moods shifted and the crowd turned violent. While the reasons for the gathering in Vancouver then and the ongoing “Freedom Convoy” today differ, there are similarities and lessons to be learned. It may seem an odd choice to study a painful chapter of Canada’s history in an already-too painful moment. However, historian Barrington Walker offers insight into its importance. “It’s not about just digging up unpleasant stories about Canada; it’s about challenging a certain notion of our historical innocence.” ...The 1907 riots did not occur in a vacuum. They were the result of years of building tension exacerbated by an economic downturn in 1907. After years of financial boom, the global demand for British Columbia’s resources slowed and unemployment reached record high levels. “Workers and politicians were looking for someone to blame,” explains historian Julie Gilmour, “and ‘cheap [Asian] labour’ had become a regular target.” --From introduction

List of labour-themed theses, including abstracts, that were mostly written by MA students at the University of New Brunswick.

The International Labour and Radical History Pamphlet Collection in the Queen Elizabeth II Library consists of more than 2200 pamphlets, representing a broad spectrum of leftist opinion that includes communists of various stripes, socialists, liberal reformers, trade unionists, civil libertarians and antiwar activists. Published for the most part between the years 1920 and 1970 (the collection also includes a number of Fabian Society publications that predate this period), the majority of the pamphlets are English-language publications from the United States, the Soviet Union, Great Britain, Canada and China. Among the topics and issues dealt with are socialist theory and practice, critiques of capitalism, war and peace, labour and the role of unions, international communism, the Vietnam war, racism and Third World liberation. Authors include Daniel DeLeon, Earl Browder, William Z Foster, Elizabeth Gurley Flynn, Georgi Dimitrov, James Cannon, Howard Fast, Anna Louise Strong, Paul Robeson, Harry Pollitt, Jacques Duclos, Vyacheslav Molotov, Sergei Eisenstein, as well as Lenin, Trotsky, Stalin and Mao. Canadian authors include Stewart Smith, Stanley Ryerson, William Kashtan, Dorise Nielsen, Jacob Penner, Sam Carr and Leslie Morris. However, the most significant of the Canadian titles are more than 60 works written by Tim Buck, representing a significant proportion of the writings (many of them scarce, uncommon or rare) of the longtime General Secretary of the Communist Party of Canada. --Website description

The article reviews the book, "The Warehouse: Workers and Robots at Amazon," by Alessandro Delfanti.

UFCW Canada has helped protect agricultural workers’ rights and has enforced their entitlements while advocating for changes to the laws, which still contribute to worker vulnerability and employment insecurity. Agriculture is an essential pillar of the Canadian economy. The agriculture and agri-food manufacturing sector contributed $143 billion to Canada’s gross domestic product (GDP) in 2018, accounting for 7.4% of total GDP. Agriculture industries, meanwhile, contributed $32.3 billion.1 Agricultural workers are essential food workers. They feed our communities. However, our society tends to hide their vital contribution to securing our food supply, deeming them low-skilled workers. Nonetheless, these women and men who farm the land possess a valuable and unique skillset that few others have. Yet, because they are considered low-skilled, they are frequently subjected to terrible working conditions and pay. Through its Temporary Foreign Worker Program (TFWP), the federal government has built an employer-demand-driven and employer-oriented program. It has been designed to support and facilitate employers’ needs while migrant workers and their labour organizations are excluded. Without the workers’ participation in the policies and regulations, the employer holds all the power and control. --From Executive Summary

This thesis considers the connections between the increased migration of racialized women to Canada and the ascendancy of social movements in Toronto from the 1970s to the 1990s. In the mid-1970s, there was a surge of grassroots organizations founded by and for immigrant women in Toronto. They were established to address the distinct needs and experiences of immigrant women where government and preexisting, decidedly hypermasculine, ethnocultural organizations did not. This thesis argues that these organizations, and the individuals associated with them, were fundamentally political. In situating these organizations within the broader progressive political landscape of Toronto, this thesis elucidates the ways in which immigrant women’s political organizing challenged and transformed dominant social movements. In particular, immigrant women’s fraught relationship to the mainstream women’s movement in Toronto is closely examined. I argue that immigrant women organized both within and without the Toronto women’s movement. In their relationship to the women’s movement, immigrant women contested the limited perspective of white feminism by drawing closer attention to class and race. This was most evident within immigrant women’s organizing for reproductive freedom. Additionally, immigrant women organizer’s relationship to the Canadian state is analyzed as a site of struggle which dialectically constrained and sustained their activism. Because immigrant women worked in higher numbers than their Canadian counterparts and often in exploitative sectors, labour became a central issue within their activism. Through their labour organizing, immigrant women forged important alliances with the labour movement. This thesis also attends to the uneven racialization of immigrant women which informed their activism. Immigrant women’s activism offered alternative perspectives and methods of organizing which did not conform to dominant ones. By taking a relational rather than assimilationist or pluralistic approach to the relationship between immigrant women’s organizing and broader social movements, a fuller, more nuanced portrait of the intersections between immigration, gender, race, and social movements can emerge.

Do Canadian federal prison-workers have a right to unionize? This key question is investigated in a case study approach to an attempt, by prison-workers, to organize a union in a Canadian federal penitentiary in British Columbia. The authors analyze prisoner-workers penal labour citizenship position via-a-vis the State’s conceptualization of prison-workers as non-employees and difficulties in finding the appropriate Canadian jurisdiction to hear their case.

The article reviews the book, "Arc of the Journeyman: Afghan Migrants in England," by Nichola Khan.

In the last decade, considerable attention has been paid to the category of craft. Within the disciplines, particularly in sociology and art theory, scholars like Richard Sennett, Susan Luckman, and Glenn Adamson have attempted to define, theorize and delineate the history of craft and its influence in contemporary capitalist culture. Popularly, books and television shows feature the work of makers and craftspeople, their popularity compounded by online crafting communities like Etsy. For all of this attention, considerably less has been paid to the labour that creates the craft products to begin with. This dissertation interrogates the category of craft from a critical labour studies perspective, first by analyzing its labour process, and, second, by amplifying the voices of workers in these industries in order to reflect the conditions they face, their attitudes about craft, and their reflections on class and organizing. In order to accomplish both, the dissertation reports on participant interviews and critically examines cultural artifacts concerning so-called making (typically understood as amateur or semi-professional small-scale production) and craft industrialism (used to define scalable industries that use craft branding and terminology). Its key case studies are making/makerspaces and craft brewing in the Cascadia region of North America, although it also visits the roasteries, bike shops, and bakeries that make up some of the other primary sites of the artisanal economy. This dissertation makes four primary contributions to the critical study of craft. First, it reorients the common approaches to craft, which either prioritize craft objects or individual maker activity. By redirecting attention to the social process of production, it avoids the object-orientation of many approaches as well as the maker-as-virtuoso narratives of popular accounts. By focusing on the social dynamics of craft, the dissertation transcends the singular craftsperson to make its second contribution: the reconceptualization of skill as social category rather than individual attribute. This social approach to skill paves the way toward the dissertation's third contribution: a dialectical consideration of the craftworker as distinct from but intrinsically related to the craftsperson. Analysis of cultural artifacts and discussions with workers highlighted the dependency of craftsmanship and support work. Finally, the dissertation distills maker and worker attitudes into a set of observations regarding the maker movement's narratives of emancipation through self-directed work as well as the potential of solidarity in craft industries.

The world is desperate for cobalt. It fuels the digital economy and powers everything from cell phones to clean energy. But this 'demon metal,' this 'blood mineral,' has a horrific present and troubled history. Then there is the town in northern Canada, also called Cobalt. It created a model of resource extraction a hundred years ago--theft of Indigenous lands, rape of the earth, exploitation of workers, enormous wealth generation--that has made Toronto the mining capital of the world and given the mining industry a blueprint for resource extraction that has been exported everywhere. Charlie Angus unearths the history of the town and shows how it contributed to Canada's mining dominance. He connects the town to present-day Congo, with its cobalt production and misery, to horrendous mining practices in South America and demonstrates that global mining is as Canadian as hockey. -- Publisher's description

L’industrie automobile française s’est familiarisée depuis plusieurs décennies à l’usage des technologies digitales afin de réaliser ses projets de conception. Ceux-ci servent notamment à organiser l’activité collective lors d’un projet au sein d’équipes pluridisciplinaires et pluriterritoriales. En parallèle, pour innover au sein d’un marché concurrentiel mondial, ce secteur adopte des organisations de projets visant à raccourcir les délais de conception des véhicules. Cela invite à interroger l’activité de synchronisation individuelle et collective de ces acteurs de la conception à travers les usages organisationnels de ces technologies digitales. En s’appuyant sur des données issues d’une recherche en ergonomie, cet article éclaire les usages organisationnels des technologies digitales dans l’ingénierie de conception automobile, mais également la manière dont l’analyse de ces usages constitue une opportunité pour réinterroger les formes d’organisation du travail dans lesquelles des technologies digitales sont déployées.

Nous examinons le potentiel et les conditions de l’efficacité de dispositions clés de la réforme du régime québécois de prévention introduite par la Loi modernisant le régime de santé et de sécurité du travail (LMRSST) en septembre 2021. Pour ce faire, nous mobilisons la typologie en deux axes proposée par Tucker (2007) afin de caractériser la citoyenneté au travail en SST, et ce, dans une version renouvelée par une perspective sensible au genre et autres sources d’inégalités. D’une part, nous traitons des changements à la participation représentative, à l’influence des travailleur.euse.s et au contrôle interne, ajoutant l’examen de la protection de toutes les personnes au travail (sans égard à leur statut d’emploi) et de la responsabilisation le long des chaînes de valeur. D’autre part, nous traitons du contrôle externe et proposons de tenir compte de la couverture des risques souvent invisibilisés du travail des femmes. Le projet de loi initial reproduisait cette sous-estimation de certains types de risques. Devant l’opposition, l’adoption de dispositions clé a été reportée et un régime intérimaire établi. La LMRSST permettra, à terme, la couverture de l’ensemble des secteurs d’activité par des mécanismes de prévention (contrôle interne) et de participation représentative des travailleur.euse.s; au prix cependant d’un risque de conformité formelle plutôt que réelle quant au contrôle interne, un niveau variable d’influence des travailleur.euse.s et de l’affaiblissement de plusieurs conditions d’efficacité des mécanismes de participation. On peut anticiper des obstacles à l’exercice de leurs droits par les travailleur.euse.s non syndiqués et des petits établissement. Le Réseau de santé publique n’a plus un accès systématique aux établissements et on ne sait rien sur les ressources dont celui-ci comme l’inspectorat disposeront. Il reste à voir dans quelle mesure les travaux réglementaires paritaires à venir apporteront des avancées en prévention et en même temps, renforceront plutôt que d’affaiblir la citoyenneté au travail.

Misclassification — when employers label their employees as "independent contractors" — is the single biggest reason precarious work is precarious. That’s been a long‑standing issue, but it's increasingly widespread with the rise of the so-called gig economy and the boom in app-based work. Misclassification drives up corporate profits by denying workers basic employment, health and safety protections. And it costs all of us, because it means there's less government revenue to support critical social services. Learn more about worker rights in the gig economy in our latest report on precarious work. --Summary at bcfed.ca/precariouswork

The article reviews the documentary, "Les Unions, qu'ossa donne?," written and directed by Hélène Choquette, in association with La bille bleue inc. production company.

The article reviews the book, "Voices of Guinness: An Oral History of the Park Royal Brewery," by Tim Strangleman.