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The Canadian West: an economic engine with a history of grievance against federal power emanating from the east. The New Politics of Western Canada grapples with the West’s complex, multifaceted past to promote a better understanding of this vast region’s political realities and the challenges that lie ahead. Contributors re-examine the historical and contemporary meanings attached to “the West” as a form of identity, through themes such as colonialism, gender, and class. They develop a nuanced analysis of Western political ideology, from resentment-based populism to the regional left. And they explore pressing Western economic and policy concerns, such as labour, health care, and Indigenous democratic participation and protest. Together, these themes provide intelligent new ways of interpreting underexplored aspects of Western Canadian politics, adding depth to earlier attempts to explain the region as a political, economic, or sociological space. -- Publisher's description

This article critically assesses the systems that structure unpaid care work for people with intellectual disabilities, with a focus on the role of siblings. We provide a preliminary analysis of this current trend in unpaid care work in the province of Ontario, Canada, addressing practices that are a) built upon a devaluation of people with intellectual disabilities, and that b) deny them choice in who provides them care. We combine existing evidence with relevant survey data to assess the risks associated with what we characterize as coercive care, as well as the many tensions that arise between self-advocacy and family-led advocacy initiatives. We interrogate the assumption that the role of siblings, and women in particular, is to take over unpaid care roles from parents. We also suggest how the current socioeconomic context of many individuals and families can limit opportunities for adopting potential solutions and propose practical avenues for future research. Throughout our analysis, we centre questions of agency and self-direction, pointing to the clash of values and inequitable outcomes that makes dominant support arrangements untenable. We conclude by drawing an ideal scenario of the publicly funded supports and services to which people with intellectual disabilities should be entitled and outline the many implications attached to this proposed model.

The relationship between differential inclusion of workers migrating for employment internationally and the dispossession and assimilation of Indigenous people and lands is a growing area of study within critical migration studies. Less attention has been paid, however, to how (im)migration policies that foster migrant worker precariousness also extend settler colonial practices. Scholars situated in the transdisciplinary fields of Black Studies and Indigenous Studies have long theorized nation-state building as exclusionary to Black and Indigenous life, and reliant on limited mobilities and dispossession of Black and Indigenous peoples. Bridging this scholarship with critical migration studies, in this article we explore how policies regulating international migration for employment to Canada on temporary bases reflect and sustain the settler-colonial context in which they operate. We outline three logics of settler colonialism that underpin policies governing temporary migration for employment to Canada: (1) the racialized hierarchization of life and knowledge; (2) the reliance on technologies of governing, which foster unequal administrative burdens; and (3) the disruption of people’s relationships to land and livelihoods. Analyzing Canada’s Seasonal Agricultural Worker Program and International Education Strategy, we illustrate how migration policies reinforce and replicate settler colonial practices.

Women’s roles in sustaining and the revival of farming are indispensable. Based on research in Canada, China, India and Indonesia, the book offers a global perspective on young women’s pathways into farming. It responds directly to concerns about the generational sustainability of smallholder farming worldwide. Despite their crucial contribution to the reproduction of farming and its belated recognition in policy discourse, women farmers continue to face constraints in access to agrarian resources and services, and recognition as farmers in their own right. --Publisher's description

The evolution of the protection of collective bargaining rights in Canada has been marked by a tension between freedom of association (section 2(d) of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms, “the Charter”) and equality (section 15(1) of the Charter). In most cases before the Supreme Court of Canada (“the SCC”), the SCC has examined both rights separately. More recently, the SCC has treated equality as a value (rather than a right), using the value of equality to inform its interpretation of freedom of association. Both these approaches (the “Siloed Approach” and the “Charter Values” approach) fail to fully examine how equality and freedom of association exist bidirectionally. This article uses a 2008 case from the Quebec Superior Court as a case study of how equality can inform our understanding of association and how association can remedy inequality.

Le contexte de pénurie de main-d'œuvre au Québec lors des dernières années a entraîné une augmentation du recrutement de travailleurs migrants temporaires dans différents secteurs d'emploi. Ces travailleurs sont souvent engagés par des agences de recrutement à l'international ou des agences de placement, particulièrement dans des secteurs considérés précaires et « essentiels ». Hors du secteur de l'entretien ménager, la littérature a montré que les agences façonnent le lien d'emploi des travailleurs avec leur employeur, créant ainsi une main-d'œuvre « flexible », conçue pour répondre aux besoins ponctuels et temporaires des entreprises (Belzile, 2018; Mercure, 2014). Ce mémoire s'intéresse aux travailleurs migrants temporaires du secteur de l'entretien ménager, recrutés par une agence de recrutement à l'international, principalement en hôtellerie, dans la région de Québec. Ce secteur présente une forte variabilité saisonnière des conditions de travail et, par le fait même, est fortement touché par la pénurie de main-d'œuvre puisque de nombreux employés revendiquent précisément cela; de meilleures conditions de travail (Guilbault, 2024). Cette dynamique est particulièrement marquée dans la région de Québec où la nécessité d'embaucher de la main-d'œuvre à l'international est devenue de plus en plus cruciale pour le secteur de l'entretien ménager. Cette étude s'inscrit dans un projet plus large financé par le Conseil de recherches en sciences humaines (CRSH); le projet PARtenariat sur les migrants Temporaires en EMPloi (PARTEMP), qui vise à produire des connaissances sur les travailleurs migrants temporaires dans la région de Québec (Chaire de recherche du Canada sur les dynamiques migratoires mondiales, 2021). L'objectif principal de ce mémoire est de comprendre les expériences et les conditions de travail de ces travailleurs au sein d'un secteur peu exploré dans la littérature en contexte québécois. Les concepts de précarité, de mobilité et d'agentivité sont mobilisés pour appréhender l'expérience des travailleurs migrants temporaires. 14 entretiens semi-dirigés avec des travailleurs de nationalités différentes, majoritairement des latinoaméricains et des femmes, ont été réalisés entre mai et août 2023. L'analyse révèle plusieurs formes de précarité par le croisement de la relation d'emploi, le statut migratoire, le manque d'accès à l'information et la barrière de la langue. La flexibilité, une exigence structurelle du secteur d'emploi, et la mobilité sont des facteurs de précarisation. Le secteur exige des déplacements fréquents verticaux sur le lieu de travail, d'un étage à l'autre, et horizontaux sur le territoire. Cependant, ces travailleurs se montrent créatifs et « résilients », faisant preuve d'agentivité individuelle et collective dans le but d'améliorer leurs conditions de travail et de vie dans la région de Québec.

As climate change accelerates, extreme heat is becoming a critical occupational hazard across Canada. Yet worker protections remain fragmented, reactive, and highly uneven across sectors and provinces. This article offers a socio-legal analysis of how heat stress is governed through regulation, collective bargaining, and emerging private governance mechanisms. Drawing on a review of federal and provincial occupational health and safety statutes, a content analysis of over 50,000 collective bargaining agreements, and an assessment of ESG disclosures, Global Framework Agreements, and Worker-Driven Social Responsibility models, the study maps Canada’s evolving approach to heat protection. It finds that CBA coverage remains minimal and concentrated in a small number of unionized manufacturing settings, particularly in Ontario. While Ontario demonstrates the potential for a more coordinated model—especially if proposed legislation complements negotiated protections—the province’s current framework remains limited in scope and sectoral reach. The article argues that effective heat governance will require hybrid coordination across statutory, contractual, and voluntary domains, supported by technology, institutional linkages, and adaptive worker voice. It concludes by outlining an integrated framework for climate-era labour protection grounded in enforceable rights, dynamic bargaining, and transparent corporate accountability.

Throughout the eighteenth century, the French and British empires mobilized thousands of labourers in Canada through a system of mandatory labour known as “corvée.” This social arrangement was rooted in the feudal obligations of French peasants to landowners. Under the French regime, corvée was a custom, an obligation, and a form of obedience, a “local affair” embedded in an agricultural way of life that retainined a sense of reciprocity with mechanisms to discourage exploitation. However, with the British conquest of Quebec in 1763, and, later, the American Revolution, the corvée system assumed new dimensions. The British recognized the need for labour power in an underpopulated region and coopted the corvée customs for their own imperial ends. Though British officials retained some French statutes, they enacted new laws mobilizing the male inhabitants of New France to work in state enterprises (such as iron mining and logging), with Labourers holding little to no input into how the colonial state viewed their well-being. Leaning heavily on corvée as a form of conscription, the British army’s surging demand for workers in Quebec precipitated wide-spread protests. This crisis forced the royally appointed governor Frederick Haldimand to ratify a new provincial code regulating the use of corvée. Workers of War and Empire from New France to British America, 1688-1783 chronicles the transformation of the corvée system over a century, positioning French Canadian workers at the center of the narrative. -- Publisher's description

This book is an invitation to trouble the mobilization of “anti-Asian hate” in the aftermath of COVID-19 pandemic. Bringing together activists, organizers, academic, and artists, this book explores the historical and contemporary conditions that make theorizing “Asian Canadian” feasible. Grounded in a transnational queer and feminist lens, this book also aims to envision possible futures and solidarities. Ultimately, this collection is concerned with moments and places of tensions, confrontations, relations, and solidarity. We offer stories of insurgent encounters as people who identify as “Asian” navigate and implicate settler colonial nation-state to make new dreams, histories and intimacies. -- Publisher's description

Electric micromobilities (EMMs), including electric bikes, standup kick-style electric scooters, and electric unicycles are highly efficient and low impact modes for urban food delivery. However, the mobility they and their associated algorithmic platforms afford is implicated in a set of work practices and relations that reinforce precarious employment outcomes. Our interviews, observational and autoethnographic research in Vancouver, Canada, revealed that food delivery platforms promise flexibility and high earnings while motivating workers to toil for variable and low wages and engage in high-risk behaviour. We focused on food delivery workers using EMMs because barriers to accessing an EMM are lower than for a car, while affording greater mobility on congested city streets, incurring no parking fees, and delivering zero emission operation. However, ostensibly low financial barriers to entry mask the requirement for considerable knowledge of, and navigational skills within, the physical and virtual environments that workers must master to resist the control exercised by platforms (apps) in an intensely competitive playing field. App-based food delivery using EMMs implicates workers in a game that requires upfront investment, skill and the navigation of risk. It is a stacked game, in which mostly the house wins.

The article reviews the book, "Blue Collar Empire: The Untold Story of US Labor’s Global Anticommunist Crusade," by Jeff Schuhrke.

North American regimes of industrial legality provide workers with protected rights to organize, bargain collectively and strike. However, they also limit the freedom to strike. Trade unions commonly accept and enforce these limits, but at great cost to solidarity and militancy. This article examines the many ways law works against labour by restricting the freedom to strike and explores the practice of unlawful strikes in North America, including recent examples that resulted in successful outcomes. It concludes with reflections on the revival of unlawful strikes as a tactic forrebuilding and remobilizing the North American labour movement. While the article’s focus is North America, the discussion of unlawful strikes may also be relevant in other countries that limit the freedom to strike.

This paper examines the strategic alliance between the Tenant Solidarity Working Group (TSWG)—a graduate-student tenant union—and CUPE Local 3906, representing Teaching Assistants (TAs) and Research Assistants (RAs) at McMaster University in Hamilton, Ontario. Situated within Hamilton’s ongoing economic shift from manufacturing, specifically steel production, toward increased real estate speculation, financialization, and intellectual labour, this study investigates whether tenant-labour collaborations provide an effective model for addressing systemic socio-economic inequalities in student housing. Utilizing Nancy Fraser’s analytical triad of recognition, redistribution, and representation, the research evaluates the potential and limitations of this collaboration in achieving tangible socio-economic justice outcomes for graduate tenants. Through the lens of Fraser’s framework, the study identifies how tenant and labour activists mobilize recognition by contesting normative stigmatization of graduate renters; pursue redistribution through collective action that has yielded financial concessions such as rent reductions; and seek representation by demanding political inclusion within university administrative structures and broader public discourse. The analysis underscores that, despite Hamilton’s persistent identity as a major steel producer, the city’s gradual pivot toward real estate investment and intellectual labour exemplifies David Harvey’s concept of a “spatial fix,” redirecting surplus capital and labour into the university sector, thus complicating the intersection of housing affordability and labour precarity.

Introduces and reprints the "Red Haggis" comic strip that ran in 1934 in the Young Worker, the weekly publication of the Young Communist League of Canada. The strip's hero, Red Haggis, is depicted as a pugnacious amalgam of Popeye the Sailor Man and "the hard man" of the Scottish working-class tradition. The artist - signed as "Crawford" in the strip - has not been definitively identified.

Migrant Work by Another Name explores the complexities of Canada's evolving international migration and employment policy landscape. It critically examines the shift towards “mobility” programs under the recently inaugurated International Mobility Program (IMP). This shift occurs alongside the contraction of certain streams within Canada’s long-standing Temporary Foreign Worker Program (TFWP). The book investigates the implications of policy changes, influenced at once by public outcry over migrant worker exploitation and persistent demands for labour in the face of qualitative labour shortages in high-income countries like Canada. Grounded in a decolonial feminist political economy approach, Leah F. Vosko employs a mixed methods analysis to contrast the narrative of “mobility” with the persistent realities of precarity among transnational workers. The book features in-depth case studies of the three largest IMP subprograms – Working Holiday, Post-Graduation, and Spousal Work Permit programs – revealing how these initiatives, despite being touted as promoting mobility, provide for temporary migrant work by another name and perpetuate distinct forms of precarity. This critical perspective challenges the notion of progress in contemporary migration policies, shedding light on the ongoing challenges faced by transnational workers in Canada. -- Publisher's description

This dissertation explores the evolution and politics behind the concept of the ‘dependent contractor’ in Ontario, from its earliest incarnations in the late 1970s to its current usage in the gig economy, as interpreted and applied by the Ontario Labour Relations Board (OLRB). It examines how the Board’s interpretation and application of dependent contractor provisions has impacted workers whose employment status falls somewhere between traditional notions of independent contractor and employee, i.e. the ‘grey area’ as the Board has referred to it, over a period of changing employment relationships and of increasingly precarious work. The research tracks these changes over time, examining how previous OLRB jurisprudence on dependent contractors can be seen to impact its decisions in more contemporary contexts (e.g Foodora, 2020) and what this might tell us about the Board’s understanding of employment relations in a changing capitalist economy. The analysis seeks to place the actions of the OLRB into a broader social context to assess what factors have influenced the Board’s decisions and gauge how it understands both its potential to address employment inequities and the limits it faces in doing so within a capitalist economy. This dissertation argues that the OLRB operated with an implicit industrial pluralist understanding of labour-capital relations and made decisions informed by that approach and, in doing so, lacked an appreciation of how capitalist workplaces were changing over time in a way that evaded control via that understanding. It further argues that while bodies such as the OLRB have some autonomy from capitalists and the capitalist state, they are unable to, nor are they designed to, overcome or dramatically alter the power imbalances that exist in capitalist civil society.

Are shifting party-union relationships impacting the vote intentions of union members in Canada? By analyzing voting intentions within the Canadian labour movement, the findings illuminate the complexity of union members’ electoral behaviour and the strategic opportunities for parties vying for their votes. The authors find that while union members continue to be more likely than the average voter to support the NDP, this support is nuanced by factors such as union type, gender, education, age, and income. Notably, the study finds that the Conservatives have made significant inroads among construction union members and those with college education, challenging traditional assumptions about Canadian labour politics.

This article explores the challenges facing injured migrant farm workers in the workers’ compensation system in Canada's province of Ontario, with a focus on their fight for return to work justice. Told from the perspective of one of the lawyers who represented the workers, it highlights a recent victory achieved by 4 workers in the Seasonal Agricultural Worker Program in defending their rights to workers’ compensation support. The workers’ compensation tribunal decided that the workers’ compensation board must evaluate these workers’ ability to return to work, access retraining, and receive compensation based on their labor markets in Jamaica—instead of based on fictional job prospects in Ontario. The tribunal also called out the need to consider systemic anti-Black racism in workers’ compensation law and policy. The article analyzes how this legal victory could reshape workers’ compensation policy in Ontario for injured migrant farm workers. It also discusses the implications of the win for injured workers in other temporary work programs and precarious employment sectors.

Analyzes the state of trade unionism in France with particular reference to union participation in the pensions movement of 2023 and the formation of a left-wing popular front during the 2024 national election. Argues that this return to the political sphere by unions during a time of crisis is in contrast to their narrow, industrial relations focus (called "démocratie social") that has predominated over the past 30 years. Concludes that political unionism and a class-based focus on the broader representation of work are the strategic challenges. The text is an address originally given by the author at the annual meeting of the Canadian Association of Work and Labour Studies, Université du Québec à Montréal, on June 19, 2024.

The Employment Standards Database is a research database for comparing employment standards, awareness and violations across national/regional context. It brings together a library of relevant sources, unique user-friendly statistical tables, and a thesaurus of concepts – designed to facilitate research on labour market insecurity in a comparative industrialized context. Users can analyze multidimensional tables to explore and compare the contours of precarious employment in Australia, Canada, the United States, and the United Kingdom. --Website description