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L'auteur cherche à présenter "l'autre" Montréal, celui des travailleurs et de leur famille, par opposition au Montréal industriel en pleine expansion à cette époque. Il s'attache particulièrement à ce secteur de Montréal situé au pied de la montagne, à la classe ouvrière qui y vit, ses revenus, son éducation, au travail des femmes et des enfants, à l'habitation, à la santé publique, aux conflits ouvriers. Deux appendices complètent cette étude fondamentale : un sur des budgets familiaux typiques, un autre sur la conclusion d'une enquête du gouvernement québécois d'alors sur le taux élevé de mortalité par tuberculose (1909). --Sommaire de l'éditeur
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John Crispo reviews the latest trends in industrial democracy in Western Europe. The book is based upon his earlier work in this area and a recently completed 10-month tour of the countries involved, which he spent interviewing labour and management representatives and other interested individuals throughout Western Europe. The result is an up-to-date and comparative account of the dynamic field of industrial democracy, which is defined to embrace union and worker influence in decision-making in all levels of society. Although the book focuses on Western Europe, it has been written in a manner to highlight the relevance of what is taking place there for industrial relations in North America. --Publisher's description
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Textbook on the system of labour relations in Canada - covers the nature of Canada's constitutional and legal system, the role of employers organizations, trade unions and employees associations, the labour movement (including Its history), collective bargaining and inflation, and comments on standards of labour legislation, labour disputes and dispute settlement, [and] future trends. Flow charts and references. --Google Books description
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C'est au cours des années 1880 que le problème de l'industrialisation s'est posé dans toute son ampleur au Canada et au Québec. À l'approche des élections de 1887, le gouvernement conservateur de J.A. Macdonald crut trouver une solution en instituant une commission royale chargée d'enquêter sur «les relations entre le capital et le travail». Les commissionaires ne se doutaient pas qu'ils s'attaquaient à un au-dessus de leur force. Au terme de leur travaux, ils rédigèrent deux maigre rapports sans grande inspiration et n'offrant aucune vision d'ensemble cohérente. Pourtant la «Commission du travail» présente un intérêt tout à fait exceptionnel. Les procès-verbaux des témoinages recueillis par les commissionaires constitutent sans doute le plus important document oral qui nous soit parvenu sur la condition ouvrière au moment où le Québec entre dans la revolution industrielle. La société québécoise connait alors une véritable mutation qui se manifeste tant au niveau de la technique et de l'économie qu'à celui de la organisation sociale et de la culture. Fernand Harvey analyse ici les diverses composantes de cette mutation en s'appuyant sur une étude fouillée les travaux de la Commission du travail et les conditions générales de l'époche. --Description de l'éditeur
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Pour rédiger cet ouvrage sur la pensée et l'action de Monseigneur Eugène Lapointe, l'auteur a puisé abondamment dans les archives de la Société historique du Saguenay. Il s'en tient exclusivement au domaine syndical. Rappelons que Mgr Lapointe est à l'origine de la Fédération ouvrière mutuelle du Nord, remplacée plus tard par la Fédération catholique des employés de pulperies et papeteries du Canada. --Résumé de l'éditeur
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Contents: The working man in a frontier town, Hamilton, 1820-1850 ; The railway city, 1850-1870 / John Weaver -- Researching the Hamilton working class, 1870-1900 / Bryan Palmer -- The working class of Hamilton, 1900-1930 / Craig Heron -- The labour movement of Hamilton, 1930-1956 -- Selected bibliography of Hamilton labour, 1956-1977 / Charlotte A. Stewart.
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Poetry chapbook.
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Reminiscences of homesteading, railway construction, logging, mining and life in the farming and resource communities of western Canada in the years since1912 by two populist/socialist participants. Accounts markedly different from the usual picture of rural conservatism and quiescence. --Author's summary
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The opening of the twentieth century saw a fervour of radical political movements in Western Canada. Ross McCormack explores the constituencies, ideologies, and development of early reformist, syndicalist, and socialist organizations from the 1880s up to the Winnipeg General Strike in 1919. He distinguishes three types of radicals - reformers, rebels, and revolutionaries - who competed with each other to fashion a gneral western constituency. The reformers wanted to change society for the betterment of the workers, but both their aims and methods were moderate, essentially transfering the philosophy and tactics of the British labour movement to the Canadian west. The rebels, militant industrial unionists, periodically battled the Trades and Labour Congress in order to establish unions strong enough to defeat the employers and, if necessary, the state. The revolutionary Marxists were committed to the destruction of industrial capitalism and the establishment of a society controlled by the workers. The book describes the origins of radicalism, traces the histories of the various organizations that expressed its ideals, and discusses the impact of the First World War on the labour movement. Using previously unexplored sources, McCromack has produced the first comprehensive examination of the early history of the radical movement in western Canada, adding an important dimension to our knowledge and understanding of Canadian labour history. --Publisher's description. Contents: The emergence of the socialist movement in British Columbia -- Militant industrial unionism and the first western rebellion -- The ascendancy of the Socialist Party of Canada -- A case study in labourism: Winnipeg 1899-1915 -- The Industrial Workers of the World and militant industrial unionism -- Western radicals and the Great War: the first phase -- Western radicals and the Great War: the second phase.
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If these arguments are correct [i.e., arguments against a sexist psychological interpretation], then we must set ourselves another course to explain the failure of working class women in the 1896 to 1914 [period] to respond to their problems in a more explicitly collective fashion. The framework for such an alternative explanation rests upon a more concrete understanding of the work-life and work-place ecology of working women. Reliance on reliable clichés and "momified" abstractions about feminine psychology has hindered a recognition of the strictures that demographic and occupational influences placed on the possibilities for a concerted action. Combined with an appreciation of some of the thoughts and activity of working women, this approach should help us to reevaluate both the objective constraints and organizing capacities of the woman worker and the interplay of various aspects of her consciousness--particularly her feminism, her sense of feminity and her class consciousness. --From author's introduction
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Ken Adachi's historical study of racism in Canada towards those of Japanese ancestry spans almost a century, from 1877 to 1975. He focuses on Japanese immigration, the Japanese Canadian community organization and the forced evacuation and relocation during the second world war. Also included, is an afterword by Roger Daniels that documents the efforts of the Japanese Canadian community post 1975, to gain redress for their unjustified internment and dispossession during World War II. More than four decades later, their struggles successfully lead to the Canadian Government's formal apology and to the Japanese Canadian Redress agreement of 1988. --Canadian Race Relations website
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Contents: Theatre our weapon. Maguire. T. Unemployment / T. Maguire -- Looking forward / F. Love -- Eight men speak / O. Ryan, et al. -- Scientific socialism / N.W. Bowles -- Unity / O. Ryan -- Joe Derry / D. Livesay -- War in the East / S. Ryerson -- And the answer is / M. Reynolds.
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It is Christmas Eve, 1970. In the shipping room of a Montreal dress factory, the workers get drunk and decide to go on strike. "So many of the guys I knew on the street are gone dead or crazy, man. There's no escape. This whole country is just one big factory, one big jail, Billy … Either you're a good nigger or ya die. Know what I mean? … Black, yellow, white. We're all niggers down on Rockefeller's Plantation, man." "Punks, Billy. All we get now is punks … I used to have this shipping room running like a new machine, remember, Billy? … No trouble, no fuss, 'cause everybody did their job and knew their place, but now … In the last five years, the kids been getting more and more like that Gary Boyce. Shit disturbers. They all got that look in their eye. Know what I mean? Like they don't give a damn." On the Job is David Fennario's post-mortem on the '60s and a look at the Canadian class structure. The play was first performed at Centaur Theatre, Montreal. Subsequently, it has been performed at the National Arts Centre, Ottawa; been revived by Centaur Theatre; and been staged at the Arts Club Theatre, Vancouver. --Publisher's description
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The following lengthy study of "The History of Labour Unrest in Canada, 1900-66," was undertaken on behalf of the federal government's Task Force on Labour Relations, which is now sponsoring dozens of separate research projects, in response to what appeared to be a major "crisis" in labour relations in this country during 1965-66. ...One final, and more specific, justification for undertaking a lengthy and detailed history of labour unrest in Canada, as manifested in strikes and other forms of overt conflict, is, to put it simply, that it has not been done before. As noted below, in discussing sources that were drawn upon in writing this study, there is a remarkable paucity of literature on the subject of industrial unrest and conflict in Canada. This is particularly the case in scholarly, academic and literary circles. --From introduction
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Part of the new aproach currently transforming the writing of Canadian history, this volume approaches the past in terms of people and the activities and events that shaped their existence. The essays explore the roots of the radical tradition and outline the struggle against industrial capitalism between 1850 and 1925. [This book] increases our understanding of the past, provides a valuable perspective on present struggles, and, in a broader sense, contributes substantially to a new and decisive synthesis of Canadian history. --Publisher's description. Contents: Contributors -- Introduction -- The Orange Order in Toronto: Religious riot and the working class / Gregory S. Kealey -- Brainworkers and the Knights of Labor: E.E. Sheppard, Phillips Thomson, and the Toronto News, 1883-1887 / Russell Hann -- Respected and profitable labour: Literacy, jobs and the working class in the Nineteenth Century / Harvey J. Graff -- Working Class housing in a small Nineteenth Century Canadian city: Hamilton, Ontario 1852-1881 / Michael J. Doucet -- Give us the road and we will run it: The social and cultural matrix of an emerging labour movement / Bryan D. Palmer -- The last artisans: Toronto printers, 1896-1914 / Wayne Roberts -- Ethnicity and violence: The Lakehead freight handlers before World War I / Jean Morrison -- Class conflict in the coal industry: Cape Breton 1922 / David Frank -- Bibliographic essay -- Notes.
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This book presents a picture of Canada's labour movement in the mid-seventies - its structure, its leaders, and aims.Two parallel themes run through Canada's Unions: the surge in labour militancy led by teachers, hospital workers, federal government workers and other public employees in response to the pressure of rising inflation; and the rise of nationalism and the increasing independence of the Canadian union movement during the 1970s. Canada's Union offers an unparalleled, immediate portrait of the state of the Canadian labour movement during a crucial decade of its existence. --Publisher's description (Google Books)
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It is easy to forget today how desperate the need was for unions in the days of the worst exploitation and abuse of power by powerful companies. Who now could imagine workers being forced to strike to avoid wage cuts even in times of rising prices? Who could imagine them losing such a strike? This moving story of the miners and steelworkers of Cape Breton focuses on the issues which generated the most militant unions in Canada. Wage cuts, blacklisting, mine disasters, pit closings, police killings, collusion between management and government, company unions, bayonets and barbed wire, American interference, hostile legislation — all this and more have contributed to a century of labour violence and bitterness almost unparalleled in North America. This is a piece of Canadian history usually forgotten, a part of our history that affects us today more than we like to think. --Publisher's description
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