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From Consent to Coercion examines the increasing assault against trade union rights and freedoms in Canada by federal and provincial governments. Centring the struggles of Canadian unionized workers, this book explores the diminution of the welfare state and the impacts that this erosion has had on broader working-class rights and standards of living. The fourth edition witnesses the passing of an era of free collective bargaining in Canada--an era in which the state and capital relied on obtaining the consent of workers and unions to act as subordinates in Canada's capitalist democracy. It looks at how the last twenty years have marked a return to a more open reliance of the state and capital on coercion--on force and on fear--to secure that subordination. From Consent to Coercion considers this conjuncture in the Canadian political economy amid growing precarity, poverty, and polarization in an otherwise indeterminate period of austerity. This important edition calls attention to the urgent task of rebuilding and renewing socialist politics--of thinking ambitiously and meeting new challenges with unique solutions to the left of social democracy. -- Publisher's description

Objectif de la recherche : Cet article interroge la pérennité des communautés de pratique (CoP), généralement considérée par des approches déterministes, en utilisant le cadre théorique des communs. Cet article propose donc par analogie d’analyser les CoP en tant qu’organization et organizing. Cette approche doit permettre d’identifier les conditions internes pour une reproduction d’une CoP. L’objectif de cette recherche est ainsi de comprendre les conditions d’auto-organisation et de pérennité d’une CoP. Méthodologie : Pour ce faire, nous utilisons une méthodologie mixte. Après une étude qualitative de plusieurs mois à observer et analyser deux CoP, nous nous appuyons sur une étude quantitative menée auprès de sept CoP au sein d’une entreprise, MUTUALIS. Un questionnaire permettant d’analyser l’organization et l’organizing des CoP a été envoyé aux membres. 76 réponses ont été retenues et analysées avec SMART PLS. Contribution : Si cet article identifie un potentiel de reproduction interne des CoP et donc de pérennité, il souligne également que celle-ci demeure partielle par son usage instrumental. En raison de ce dernier, les CoP minimisent leur reproduction organisationnelle et donc leur auto-organisation. Pour dépasser cette limite, le cadre du commun propose in fine une approche intégrative de l’organisation d’une action collective auto-organisée qui nous amène à penser la démocratisation à une échelle multiniveaux. Finalement, cette étude démontre l’impératif d’une transformation organisationnelle plus générale de l’entreprise qui ne peut être réduite à des dispositifs ou des communautés sporadiques.

Cet article interprète les nombreuses données empiriques sur la croissance, puis la stagnation des « modes de flexibilité » à l’aide de la théorie du procès de travail, en particulier en ce qui concerne le contrôle et la résistance. Dans un « cycle de risque », la direction saisit d’abord une occasion de réduire les coûts en transférant le risque du capital au travail par le biais d’un certain mode de flexibilité. Le mode choisi est de plus en plus utilisé jusqu’à ce que l’expansion soit bloquée par la nécessité de vaincre la résistance, d’obtenir le consentement et/ou d’exercer un contrôle. La direction cherche alors un nouveau mode. Le cycle de risque est cohérent avec les données de l’OCDE sur l’« emploi temporaire » et les données australiennes sur l’« emploi occasionnel ». Les implications pour l’économie à la demande et l’avenir du travail sont abordées.

This paper interprets extensive empirical data on the growth and then stagnation of “modes of flexibility” by using labour process theory, specifically with respect to control and resistance. In a “risk cycle,” management initially seizes an opportunity to reduce costs by transferring risk from capital to labour through some mode of flexibility. The chosen mode is used more and more until further expansion is blocked by the need to overcome resistance, to obtain consent and/or to exercise control. Management then seeks a new mode. The risk cycle is consistent with OECD data on “temporary employment,” and Australian data on “casual employment.” Implications for the gig economy and the future of work are discussed.

In our first report, A Sustainable Jobs Blueprint - Part I: Governance recommendations to support Canada’s clean energy workforce and economy, we examined the shift net-zero based on current global trends. The first report underscored the importance of sound sustainable jobs planning; a robust governance approach with internal structures and accountability mechanisms; and inclusive decision-making that brings workers to the table. This second report offers advice on the tactics the federal government can use as it makes investments and develops programs, with the goal of better and more fair outcomes for present and future workers as well as communities. We recommend the federal government take steps to advance the following seven worker- and economy-focused actions, discussed in greater detail in the report. --Website description

Proactive and responsive governments can put in place the foundations for stability through transitions that empower worker and community resiliency and ensure those socioeconomic changes are positive. These foundations include key enabling factors and mechanisms for collaboration, accountability, and implementation. The Pembina Institute and the Canadian Labour Congress have partnered to develop a Sustainable Jobs Blueprint, which identifies policy and investment recommendations tosupport the Canadian workforce in the transition to a net-zero economy. This is the first report in a series on sustainable jobs planning in Canada to support the creation and maintenance of decent jobs across Canada. Part one outlines a governance framework needed for a robust sustainable jobs approach in Canada and includes recommendations for government action. Part two will offer recommendations for an implementation plan, supported by the governance framework, that will best support workers and communities. --Website description/Introduction

The article reviews the book, "Les couleurs de la révolution. La gauche à l’épreuve du pouvoir. Venezuela, Équateur, Bolivie : un bilan à travers l’histoire," by Patrick Guillaudat and Pierre Mouterde.

The article reviews the book, "Putting Skill to Work: How to Create Good Jobs in Uncertain Times," by Nichola Lowe.

Much has been written on the history of the Canadian Pacific Railway (CPR), but rarely are conversations regarding the experiences of First Nations and Chinese immigrants on the railway brought together. This thesis will analyze how First Nations and Chinese people in Western Canada experienced the construction of the railway and how, as racialized peoples, they were excluded from the original national mythology centered on the completion of a transcontinental railway. The seemingly benign symbol of a railway representing the nation continues the violence of naturalizing colonial, capitalist structures in the national landscape. A closer look at this history reveals the dispossession of Indigenous peoples, the destruction of their ways of life and incorporation of the capitalist economy—all processes that continues today. The history of the railway also reveals the place of Chinese immigrants as a distinct, racialized labour force in late-nineteenth-century Canada that reinforced and that was informed by the racial and economic interests of the national subject at an important time in the development of the nation and its national myths. Drawing on the insights of Manu Karuka’s Empire’s Tracks, this analysis situates the CPR as a tool of colonial, capitalist, countersovereignty.

« Est-ce qu’il suffit de travailler moins pour retrouver l’équilibre entre les différentes facettes de nos vies surchargées ? La réduction du temps de travail est une revendication de longue date pour améliorer notre qualité de vie. En passant moins de temps au travail, nous pourrions enfin reprendre notre souffle et consacrer plus de temps à nos relations sociales, aux tâches domestiques ou encore pour s’engager dans la communauté. Mais est-ce que notre travail nous comble et contribue au bien commun ? Julia Posca interroge notre rapport au travail, explore sa nature et envisage les voies à emprunter pour lui redonner un sens. À la dystopie dans laquelle nous nous enfonçons toujours un peu plus, nous pourrions opposer l’utopie du travail « démarchandisé, démocratisé et dépollué ». Une invitation à revoir l’organisation du travail pour qu’il réponde d’abord aux besoins les plus « authentiques » : assurer à tous et toutes une existence digne, entretenir des relations riches, léguer une vie bonne aux futures générations. »--Quatrième de couverture

The article reviews the book, "Frontiers of Feminism: Movements and Influences in Québec and Italy, 1960–1980," by Jacinthe Michaud.

In the decades following the Second World War, women from all walks of life became increasingly frustrated by the world around them. Drawing on long-standing political traditions, these women bound together to revolutionize social norms and contest gender inequality. In Montreal, women activists inspired by Red power, Black Power, and Quebec liberation, among other social movements, mounted a multifront campaign against social injustice. Countercurrents looks beyond the defining "waves" metaphor to write a new history of feminism that incorporates parallel social movements into the overarching narrative of the women's movement. Case studies compare and reflect on the histories of the Quebec Native Women's Association, the Congress of Black Women, the Front de libération des femmes du Québec, various Haitian women's organizations, and the Collectif des femmes immigrantes du Québec and the political work they did. Bringing to light previously overlooked archival and oral sources, Amanda Ricci introduces a new cast of characters to the history of feminism in Quebec. The book presents a unique portrait of the resurgence of feminist activism, demonstrating its deep roots in Indigenous and Black communities and a transnational scope with wide-ranging inspirations and preoccupations. Advancing cross-cultural perspectives on women's movements, Countercurrents looks to the history of women's activism in Montreal and finds new ways of defining feminist priorities and imagining feminist futures. -- Publisher's description

This article will present a case study of Cargill’s High River meatpacking plant operations to show how at crucial historical junctures racial capitalism shaped its working conditions and in so doing determined the spread of COVID-19. First, the Canadian meatpacking industry’s 1980s-era economic restructuring relocated and reorganized its workforce from a core to peripheral one, allowing for the low wage employment of many precarious workers; this restructuring enabled the Cargill company to gain overwhelming control of the meatpacking industry in Canada and to become a “choke point” in the supply chain. Second, Canadian immigration policy from 2006 to 2010 supported a marked increase in migrant workers to meet the labour market needs of business; this reconstituted the labour class to heighten their disposability. With these pieces in place, the Albertan provincial government could classify meatpackers as “essential workers” who worked even in the face of mass COVID infection in April through June 2020. Across this crucial historical period racial capitalism enabled the plant to circumvent public health interventions protecting workers through the onset of the pandemic. Political championing of business interests, enacted through legislative mechanisms, allowed for the exploitation of workers and consistently rendered workers personally responsible for their own health and safety, despite their lack of control over what exposed them to risk.

This fourth edition...offers a comprehensive introductory overview of Canada’s labour movement. The book explores why workers form unions; assesses their organization and democratic potential; examines issues related to collective bargaining, grievances and strike activity; charts the historical development of labour unions; and describes the gains unions have achieved for their members and all working people. This new and expanded edition also analyzes the challenges facing today’s labour movement as a result of COVID-19 and the strategies being developed to overcome them. --Publisher's description

The article reviews the book, "Justice at Work: The Rise of Economic and Racial Justice Coalitions in Cities," by Mark Doussar and Greg Schrock.

The article reviews the book, "Work and the Carceral State," by Jon Burnett.

In the 1970s, women in Toronto created the Waitresses Action Committee to protest the introduction of a "differential" or lower minimum wage for wait staff serving alcohol. Their campaign was part of their broader feminist critique of women's exploitation and the gendered and sexualized nature of waitressing. Influenced by their origins in the Wages for Housework campaign, they stressed the linkages between women's unpaid work in the home and the workplace. Their campaign eschewed worksite organizing for an occupational mobilization outside of the established unions; they used petitions, publicity, and alliances with sympathizers to try to stop the rollback in their wages. They were successful in mobilizing support but not in altering the government's decision. Nonetheless, their spirited campaign publicized new feminist perspectives on women's gendered and sexualized labour, and it contributed to the ongoing labour feminist project of enhancing working-class women's equality, dignity, and economic autonomy. An analysis of their mobilization also helps to enrich and complicate our understanding of labour and socialist feminism in this period.

In this article, I will analyze the ways in which Brazilian workers are using social media to organize and mobilize. Although analysis of social media use has made great progress, in the case of worker movements it still needs further development. I will focus on the experience of Brazilian app-based delivery workers during the COVID-19 pandemic. Despite their dispersion across the country, delivery workers were able to carry out two national strikes through intense use of WhatsApp, Facebook, YouTube and Twitter. Using qualitative analysis of posts from worker organizations on social media, it was possible to identify the challenges faced by these movements when using digital media. Social media helped solve some organizational and communication problems, while producing others that workers had to deal with.

This study examines the framing of temporary foreign workers (TFWs) and the Temporary Foreign Worker Program (TFWP) within the context of Canadian political discourse. Through a qualitative content analysis of parliamentary speeches spanning from 2006 to 2022, it investigates how TFWs and the TFWP have been framed by members of three federal political parties: Conservatives, Liberals and the NDP. With an aim to understand influences on framing strategies, the analysis considers significant events such as the COVID-19 pandemic and a change in government. The findings highlight the significance of party ideology in shaping perspectives on TFWs and the TFWP, with all three parties recognizing the necessity of this group and program in achieving Canada’s economic goals. At the same time, despite their increasing significance in the economy, the study highlights the conditional inclusion of TFWs in Canada. Policymakers adapt their frames based on perceived contribution of these workers and their alignment with Canadian interests. This research illuminates the crucial role of framing in shaping policy outcomes regarding TFWs and the TFWP.

The covid-19 pandemic severely disrupted the education system in Canada from March 2020 throughout the 2020–21 school year. It also had disproportionate secondary effects on women in terms of unpaid care, economic loss, and poor mental health. This article explores the lived experience of women educators in the province of Alberta, drawing on interviews and focus groups with 39 educators. Findings indicate that the pandemic not only exacerbated the triple burden that women educators, in particular, bear but added additional layers of responsibility related to public health management, educating children at home, elder care responsibilities, and emotional labour. The essential role women educators fulfilled within the covid-19 response, at work and at home, cost them time, professional development opportunities, mental wellness, and the positive rewards that had drawn them to the educational field. Current concerns around educator burnout and retention may be mitigated by acting on the recommendations of women educators regarding the development of more equitable education systems and social policy.