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The article reviews the book, "L’intelligence artificielle et les mondes du travail : perspectives sociojuridiques et enjeux éthiques," edited by Jean Bernier.

Examines the 1970 Royal Commission on the Status of Women's proposals on child care, which included tax measures, a child allowance, and establishment of a national daycare program. Provides background and argues that the taxchange introduced by the federal government (which was not what the report had recommended) exacerbated inequality and reinforced the notion that childcare was a private matter.

Notre article s’intéresse à la manière dont le dialogue social se transforme lorsque les échanges se déroulent en ligne. Jusqu’à très récemment, le dialogue social avait largement résisté aux appels de la numérisation. Cependant, avec la COVID-19, les rencontres en personne ont dû être remplacées par des interactions à distance. En raison de ce changement soudain, notre article propose d’examiner comment les rituels de dialogue social se transforment lorsque les interactions entre les employeurs et les syndicats deviennent virtuelles. Pour mieux cerner cette problématique, nous mobilisons le cadre théorique développé par Goffman (1973) dans lequel le monde social est métaphoriquement comparé à un théâtre. Ainsi, nous proposons d’étudier l’évolution dramaturgique des relations entre les syndicats et les employeurs lorsque la scène et les coulisses du dialogue social se dématérialisent. Pour analyser empiriquement cette question, nous avons réalisé 23 entretiens avec des acteurs impliqués dans le dialogue social en France, dont 13 qui représentent la partie syndicale et 10 qui représentent la partie patronale. Nos résultats mettent en évidence trois mécanismes qui, sur la scène, contribuent à l’étiolement de la dramaturgie du dialogue social : la perte du caractère théâtral des interventions syndicales, l’isolement des représentants des salariés et la désynchronisation de leurs interventions. Notre étude empirique souligne aussi comment, dans les coulisses du dialogue social, le passage au numérique se traduit globalement par un appauvrissement des échanges, à l’exception des relations basées sur des liens forts. Fort de ces constats, notre article contribue à la littérature en postulant que les changements observés concourent à une perte de pouvoir pour la partie syndicale. En outre, derrière une pacification de façade des interactions patronales-syndicales, nous soulignons que la perte du caractère théâtral du dialogue social pourrait éloigner les acteurs d’une dynamique intégrative et les enfermer dans un mode plus distributif. S’appuyant sur les écrits de Goffman, notre article s’intéresse à la manière dont le dialogue social évolue lorsque le théâtre des interactions entre syndicats et employeurs devient numérique, comme ce fut le cas à la suite de la pandémie de COVID-19. Se basant sur 23 entretiens, notre article met en évidence trois effets du numérique sur le jeu scénique des acteurs syndicaux : la perte du caractère théâtral des prises de parole, l’isolement des acteurs et la désynchronisation de leurs interventions. Notre étude conclut également à un appauvrissement global des échanges en coulisse. Cet article contribue à la littérature en montrant comment le mode à distance modifie les relations de pouvoir entre les syndicats et les employeurs ainsi que la nature même de leurs relations.

The article reviews and comments on "Department Stores and the Black Freedom Movement: Workers, Consumers, and Civil Rights from the 1930s to the 1980s," by Traci Parker, "Toward Freedom: The Case Against Race Reductionism," by Touré F. Reed, and "Workers on Arrival: Black Labor in the Making of America," by Joe William Trotter, Jr.

We studied 14 universities across Canada and Australia to examine how the COVID-19 crisis, mediated through management strategies and conflict over financial control in higher education, influenced workers’ job security and affective outcomes like stress and happiness. The countries differed in their institutional frameworks, their union density, their embeddedness in neoliberalism and their negotiation patterns. Management strategies also differed between universities. Employee outcomes were influenced by differences in union involvement. Labour cost reductions negotiated with unions could improve financial outcomes, but, even in a crisis, management might not be willing to forego absolute control over finance, and it was not the depth of the crisis that shaped management decisions.

In this qualitative study of 27 bank employees, we investigated how learning algorithms affected their working conditions, their autonomy and the meaning of their work. We show that employees responded to the AI-induced changes through job crafting behaviours (Wrzesniewski & Dutton, 2001). Employees reshaped their task and relationship boundaries, and cognitively reframed their jobs, to maintain their autonomy, their desired social relationships and the meaning of their work. By considering the effects of learning algorithms on the employees’ work experience from their perspective, we provide a novel application of job crafting theory. Employees’ concerted response across the three job crafting dimensions underlines the importance of synergy across job crafting dimensions if they are to be successful in altering employees’ experience of work and enhancing the human value of their services.

L’étude du droit du travail restauré au cours de la transition économique chinoise nous montre que, comme ailleurs à d’autres époques, il accompagne le développement capitaliste et assure la construction du marché du travail. Suivant la tradition institutionnaliste en économie fondée sur le lien étroit économie-droit, nous pouvons mettre à jour les choix faits par l’État concernant les droits à protéger à travers des normes du travail élevées. Ces droits du travailleur s’exerçant dans un pays autoritaire se trouvent soumis avant tout au projet de « société harmonieuse » mené par le Parti communiste chinois. En fin de compte, l’ancrage du droit du travail dans le dispositif de « management social », destiné à assurer le contrôle de l’État sur les travailleurs, se retourne contre eux.

Income inequality has skyrocketed in Canada over the past decades. The rich have become richer, while the average household income has deteriorated and job quality, plummeted. Common explanations for these trends point to globalization, technology, or other forces largely beyond our control. But as Jobs with Inequality shows, there is nothing inevitable about inequality. Rather, runaway inequality is the result of politics and policies, and what governments have done to aid the rich and boost finance, and what has not done to uphold the interests of workers. Drawing on new tax and income data, John Peters tells the story of how inequality is unfolding in Canada today by examining post-democracy, financialization, and labour market deregulation. Timely and novel, the book explains how and why business and government have rewritten the rules of the economy to the advantage of the few, and considers why progressive efforts to reverse these trends have so regularly run aground. -- Publisher's description

Low-wage work and precarious employment are among the most urgent issues of our time. Canadian Labour Policy and Politics serves as essential reading for undergraduates who need to understand the politics of inequality in Canada’s labour market. This comprehensive textbook traces the rise of these pressing problems, reveals the resulting inequalities, and outlines the solutions for a sustainable future. Written by leading experts and practitioners, the text demonstrates how and why laws and public policy – intended to protect workers – often leave workers vulnerable with little economic or social security. Based on up-to-date data and international comparisons, chapters provide readers with real-world examples and case studies of how globalization, labour laws, employment standards, COVID-19, and other challenges affect workers on and off the job. Canadian Labour Policy and Politics also engages students in defining a far-reaching policy agenda for developing greater economic equality, political inclusiveness, and a green recovery in the wake of the coronavirus pandemic. Accessible and clearly written, it is a must-read for students as well as researchers, practitioners, activists, and policymakers. Key features include chapter summaries and outlines, suggestions for further reading, and glossaries. Students and scholars of Canadian politics and public policy, labour studies, political economy, and sociology will find this an invaluable addition to their bookshelves. The volume is a core text for second-, third-, and fourth-year level university labour and inequality courses. The fresh and insightful overview of Canada’s labour market and policies will also be essential reading for government policymakers, NGO representatives, union researchers and practitioners, and journalists. --Publisher's description

Dans un contexte de transformation du système français de relations d’emploi, à la fois dans son coeur (contrat à durée indéterminée) et dans ses marges (contrats à durée déterminée de plus en plus courts, autoentrepreneuriat, …), cet article cherche à comprendre les diverses stratégies de gestion de la main-d’oeuvre, en particulier celles relatives à la flexibilité des entreprises à l’échelle d’une région française : la Provence-Alpes-Côte d’Azur. Nous adoptons une approche renouvelée des théories de la segmentation, à la fois diversifiée et dynamique. Au-delà de l’opposition marché interne-marché externe, nous avons d’abord caractérisé les pratiques de segmentation, non seulement selon la nature du contrat de travail, mais également selon la durée du contrat, le niveau de rémunération et le type de temps de travail (complet ou partiel). Nous avons ensuite étudié l’évolution que cette segmentation a connue entre 2006 et 2016 et avons décliné cette segmentation des pratiques selon la taille des établissements. À partir d’une base de données exhaustive sur les emplois et les établissements de la région étudiée, nous avons mis à jour quatre segments caractérisant les relations d’emploi en Provence-Côte d’Azur : le premier, typique du marché primaire, est qualifié de « stabilité de l’emploi » ; le deuxième, au contraire, typique du marché secondaire, est nommé « flexibilité par les contrats courts » ; le troisième est marqué par l’usage de contrats à durée déterminée (CDD) de plus de six mois, d’où la qualification de « flexibilité par les CDD longs » ; le quatrième, plus diversifié, est qualifié de « pratiques mixtes ». L’évolution entre 2006 et 2016 se caractérise ensuite par le renforcement des caractéristiques propres à chaque segment, mais aussi par l’érosion du segment de « stabilité de l’emploi » et la progression du segment de « pratiques mixtes », qui semble illustrer la diffusion de formes d’emplois subventionnés par les pouvoirs publics sur la période 2006-2016. La déclinaison de la typologie des pratiques par taille d’établissement a, elle, permis de confirmer de manière générale la pertinence des 4 segments, même si pour les grands établissements, les segments de « flexibilité par les CDD longs » et de « pratiques mixtes » pourraient former un unique segment.

The article reviews the book, "Routledge International Handbook of Working-Class Studies," edited by Michele Fazio et al.

In 1977, Bonnie Robichaud accepted a job at the Department of Defence military base in North Bay, Ontario. After a string of dead-end jobs, with five young children at home, Robichaud was ecstatic to have found a unionized job with steady pay, benefits, and vacation time. After her supervisor began to sexually harass and intimidate her, her story could have followed the same course as countless women before her: endure, stay silent, and eventually quit. Instead, Robichaud filed a complaint after her probation period was up. When a high-ranking officer said she was the only one who had ever complained, Robichaud said, "Good. Then it should be easy to fix." This timely and revelatory memoir follows her gruelling eleven-year fight for justice, which was won in the Supreme Court of Canada. The unanimous decision set a historic legal precedent that employers are responsible for maintaining a respectful and harassment-free workplace. Robichaud's story is a landmark piece of Canadian labour history--one that is more relevant today than ever. --Publisher's description

The article reviews the book, "In the Kingdom of Shoes: Bata Zlĭn, Globalization, 1894–1945," by Zachary Austin Doleshal.

Introduces and summarizes the five articles presented for the roundtable that was convened on the 50th anniversary of the founding of National Action Committee on the Status of Women. Takes note of the various themes explored, including labour feminism.

The article reviews the book, "Public Education, Neoliberalism, and Teachers: New York, Mexico City, Toronto," by Paul Bocking.

This article addresses two key questions. First, how have faculty associations and university administrations in Canada responded to the intertwined challenges of austerity and pandemic bargaining? And second, how can faculty associations apply strategic and tactical lessons from this period to future rounds of collective bargaining? The content of this article is informed by the secondary literature on university labour relations and faculty associations in Canada and is grounded in the author’s practical experience as Chief Negotiator for the Brock University Faculty Association (BUFA) in the last two rounds of bargaining. The article uses the 2020 round of pandemic bargaining at Brock University as a case study to explore the obstacles and opportunities presented by the COVID-19 crisis within the broader context of the neoliberalization of higher education. The case study also serves as a jumping off point to compare and contrast the range of faculty association responses to pandemic bargaining and theorize more generally about how the pandemic intersects with strategic debates concerning models of faculty unionism. --From introduction

The article reviews the book, "Shaping the Futures of Work: Proactive Governance and Millennials," by Nilanjan Ragunath.

This paper considers the recently introduced New Zealand Fair Pay Agreement (FPA) sectoral bargaining framework and offers a preliminary series of ideas and proposals setting out how an FPA model for bargaining sectoral standards could work in Canada. It is intended as the beginning of a more detailed discussion on the development of an FPA regime culminating in model legislation that could be adapted to different Canadian jurisdictions. Guided by principles of accountability, integration, and inclusivity, this proposal is intended to apply to all workers in an employment relationship – including dependent contractors and gig and platform workers. The proposed system is to be structured as a new, stand-alone statute, drawing upon existing institutions administering collective bargaining legislation, incorporating some familiar collective bargaining concepts: good faith bargaining, dues check-off, and unfair labour practice protection. It is intended to preserve existing collective bargaining arrangements by excluding specified sectors with existing high union density or existing sectoral bargaining. However, it is also intended to offer a new, sectoral bargaining option based on industry or occupation sectors, producing FPA “sector agreements” containing minimum standards applying to all employees and employers in the sector. This proposed framework would operate in parallel and in conjunction with the existing enterprise-level collective bargaining system.

The article reviews the book, "Tacky's Revolt: The Story of an Atlantic Slave War," by Vincent Brown.

The article reviews the book, "Code White: Sounding the Alarm on Violence Against Health Care Workers," by Margaret M. Keith and James T. Brophy.