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[E]xamines a Communist union’s struggle to survive in the post-Second World War environment of anti-Communism and anti-trade unionism that marked one of the most violent periods in the history of the Canadian labour movement. In 1943, Local 480 of the International Union of Mine, Mill and Smelter Workers in Trail, British Columbia, was nearing the end of a six-year battle for certification as the legal bargaining agent for about 4,000 smelter workers. After it achieved that goal the following year and for the next decade, it faced new battles with the employer, the powerful Consolidated Mining and Smelting Company of Canada (CM&S) with its paternalistic president S.G. Blaylock. The local also faced an array of other opponents: a workforce suspicious of a Red-tainted union with a radical past, a company union that had been established by Blaylock after the First World War, a company-loyal newspaper, and a divided community situated in the rural West Kootenay district near the Canada- United States border. Among the local’s most vigorous adversaries were the local churches, the federal government with its secret service police, and the Canadian Congress of Labour (CCL). By the 1950s, it had been purged from the CCL, shunned by the Cooperative Commonwealth Federation (CCF), and victimized by cold warriors bent on its destruction. To survive it needed to win the support of a substantially immigrant workforce with a strong alternative culture to the dominant Anglo-Saxon one. It had to address the concerns of the hundreds, perhaps thousands, of women war workers who had been hired at lower wages to replace enlisted men. And it fell into the middle of an ideological clash between the region’s two dominant left-wing political parties. Its greatest strength and potential weakness was an unabashed Stalinist named Harvey Murphy. He had been a fugitive from justice and was incarcerated in a war-time internment camp as a threat to national security, but he became an influential leader of the provincial labour movement and an outspoken advocate of workers’ rights who was hated by some and respected by others. “Divided Loyalties” begins with a victory, but Local 480’s survival for the duration of the twelve-year period of this study was far from assured.

This article critically assesses the compliance model of employment standards enforcement through a study of monetary employment standards violations in Ontario, Canada. The findings suggest that, in contexts where changes to the organisation of work deepen insecurity for employees, models of enforcement that emphasise compliance over deterrence are unlikely to effectively prevent or remedy employment standards violations.

Thiis article reviews the book, "L’activité en théories. Regards croisés sur le travail,," edited by Marie-Anne Dujarier, Corinne Gaudart, Anne Gillet and Pierre Lénel.

This thesis is the product of a collaborative inquiry involving six occasional teachers, myself included, who came together over five months to share our experiences of navigating a teacher labour market ruled by teacher surplus, job shortages, and increasing employment precarity. Together we took an inquiry stance on occasional teaching (Cochran-Smith Lytle, 2009) and explored the consequences of precarious teacher employment for teaching, learning, working, and living. Here I document the myriad ways precariousness shapes not only our career trajectories but also our everyday experiences of practice, our professional identities as educators, and our engagement in political action and institutional change efforts. I also offer specific processes and interventions that mitigate the risks of long-term employment precarity for teaching and learning. Throughout, I rely on my participantsâ words as well as my own to tell a story about our work, what it means to us, and why it matters.

Canada was officially neutral in the Spanish Civil War (1936–1939); yet nearly 1700 Canadians fought for the Spanish Republic. The Communist Party of Canada (cpc) recruited the bulk of the volunteers. While many in the Canadian left supported the Republican cause, others were alarmed by the involvement of communists in the Republican government and the cpc's role in the recruiting. This tension seemed particularly pronounced between English and French Canada. Québec Premier Maurice Duplessis called upon the federal government to bring the recruiting to an end and to eradicate communism in general. Prime Minister Mackenzie King and his Québec lieutenant and Minister of Justice, Ernest Lapointe, introduced a Canadian Foreign Enlistment Act in response. The statute targeted the cpc in its capacity as a recruiting apparatus (versus targeting the volunteers), and had the added benefit of "Canadianizing" and improving on the existing British statute. The Royal Canadian Mounted Police conducted investigations and warrants for arrest were issued, but the war in Spain was over before the arrests were made. Ultimately, no one was prosecuted under the Foreign Enlistment Act and its record in preventing recruiting is dubious.

For governments concerned with enhancing labour market efficiency, employer-sponsored temporary labour migration schemes have become increasingly popular. However, the equity implications of these arrangements, which constrain the mobility of migrant workers, have largely been ignored. This paper assesses the factors affecting the vulnerability of employer-sponsored migrant workers and addresses the question of whether these schemes comply with ethical principles relating to fair treatment. It draws upon migration ethics, political economy and socio-legal perspectives to evaluate visa schemes in Australia, Canada and Sweden. The paper argues that there is an ethically justifiable case for selectively restricting certain rights of migrant workers within clearly defined parameters. However, policies facilitating worker mobility, restricting sponsorship to higher-skilled occupations, promoting enforcement and worker representation, and providing accessible opportunities for permanent residency and citizenship help to ensure that employer-sponsored temporary labour migration schemes comply with ethical principles relating to the fair treatment of workers.

Cet article présente un cas de mobilisation contre les discriminations systémiques envers des travailleuses procurant des services d’assistance aux personnes (en anglais, care-workers), en grande majorité Noires et Haïtiennes, qui occupent des emplois aux normes dégradées dans des agences de placement fournissant du personnel pour un seul organisme parapublic. À l’intersection des mutations en cours dans la gestion de la main-d’oeuvre et de la réorganisation de la prise en charge des services d’assistance aux personnes, ce cas est représentatif de la façon dont se redessinent les frontières de la relation d’emploi. Les travailleuses mobilisées étant syndiquées, il permet aussi d’explorer un éventail d’attitudes syndicales. Une stratégie syndicale prédomine : elle consiste à défendre ou gérer la négociation collective institutionnalisée. Elle est encouragée par un ensemble d’institutions qui produisent des constructions contradictoires des enjeux d’égalité et du problème des discriminations. Si ces arrangements institutionnels ouvrent une brèche aux « innovations » patronales et confortent l’adoption de stratégies syndicales visant à préserver la relation bilatérale d’emploi, cet article soutient que cette stratégie est aussi symptomatique de la vision moniste avec laquelle les syndicats abordent l’effritement du modèle dominant de la relation d’emploi, en le réduisant aux conflits d’intérêts entre employeurs et travailleurs. Or, cet effritement est aussi le résultat des réorganisations mutuelles et réciproques des différentes formes sociales de division du travail entre classes, sexes et races. Mais en ne s’interrogeant pas sur ce qui a fondé le compromis de la société salariale, soit la minoration ou l’exclusion de groupes de populations de la norme d’emploi à temps plein et permanent, les syndicats accordent la priorité à des stratégies qui participent, comme l’illustre le cas choisi, si ce n’est à la création de normes discriminatoires, du moins, à la légitimation de frontières entre ceux qui ont accès à des emplois de qualité et les autres.

In its groundbreaking decision in Dunsmuir, issued in 2008, the Supreme Court of Canada reduced the number of judicial review standards to two - correctness and reasonableness - and directed courts to afford a high degree of deference to administrative decisions dealing with findings of fact, matters of inextricably intertwined law and fact, and exercises of discretion. Nonetheless, since Dunsmuir, there has been growing concern that the courts' intervention in labour board and labour arbitration decisions has increased. This empirical study examines the frequency and outcomes of judicial review applications from decisions of the Ontario Labour Relations Board and Ontario labour arbitra- tors, and concludes that the courts' interference in those decisions has in fact increased in the post-Dunsmuir period as compared to the pre-Dunsmuir period. Based on a total of 249 judicial review decisions for the period from 2003 to 2013, the research results reveal that the number of OLRB decisions quashed on judicial review increased from 7% in the pre-Dunsmuir period to 21% in the post-Dunsmuir period, while the number of labour arbitration awards quashed on review increased from 18% to 30%. In the majority of those decisions, the courts conducted an intrusive analysis of the tribunal's reasoning, reconsidered the weight accorded to evidence, and made their own findings of fact. Furthermore, there is a high degree of inconsistency among courts in the selection of the stan- dard of review applicable to decisions involving an award of damages or the interpretation of "external" legislation or common law doctrines.

This article reviews the book, "Caring for America: Home Health Workers in the Shadow of the Welfare State," by Eileen Boris and Jennifer Klein.

This article argues that misalignment between the realities of work in the new economy and the regulations is having negative health and social implications at all levels of Canadian society. Remedying this requires drastic reshaping of policy approaches, but current laws and employment norms presume the labour market is a static entity. Policymakers should focus on improving how labour market data is collected for producing evidence‐based recommendations, and on re‐evaluating neoclassical economic assumptions underpinning this outdated framework. We argue the expansion of precarious work is reshaping the Canadian economy and society, and provide recommendations for data, policy and administration to address this trend.

The University of Manitoba strike showed that worker power isn't all about money -- it's also about collective self-governance.

Confidence in the police is fundamental to citizens' willingness to report unlawful behaviour, share intelligence about crime, seek help when victimized, and generally comply with the law. Marginalized groups overwhelmingly report a lack of confidence that police will apply the law fairly. Although sex work research reports a wide range of negative experiences with the police, it is not known how common these experiences are because most research focuses solely on street-based sex workers and does not include quantitative measures. We report on confidence in the police through the analysis of relevant data gathered from in-person interviews with sex workers from six census metropolitan areas of Canada. Under the pre-2014 legal regime, our non-random sample of sex workers had lower confidence in police than estimated for other Canadians by the General Social Survey and were particularly unlikely to see police as treating sex workers fairly. Thematic analysis suggests this is primarily driven by stigma and discrimination. We also found a significant minority who reported the police to be a source of aid, suggesting that appropriate policy and program regimes could be developed to improve sex worker–police relations.

Quebecers are living longer than ever before as a result of better health as well as improved educational attainment and economic well-being. Using a dynamic microsimulation model, we show that an aging workforce will not necessarily mean a decline in Quebec employment levels in the coming years. Because future experienced workers will be more educated and more of them will remain in employment for longer, we project that annual growth rates in employment will stay positive, averaging between 0.2 and 0.3 percent over the next two decades. Between 2035 and 2050, employment could contribute nearly 0.3 percentage points to annual economic growth in Quebec.

The article reviews the book, "Lives in Transition: Longitudinal Analysis from Historical Sources," edited by Peter Baskerville and Kris Inwood.

The article reviews the book, "New Forms of Worker Organization: The Syndicalist and Autonomist Restoration of Class-Struggle Unionism," edited by Immanuel Ness.

Drawing on qualitative interview data from case studies in Scotland and Canada in the post 2008 era, this article explores the impact of austerity policies on the conditions and experience of employment in two nonprofit social service agencies and their shifting labour process. Despite differences in context, the article finds a similarity of experience of austerity-compelled precarity at several levels in the agency. This precarity increased management control and evoked little resistance from employees. These findings contribute to our understanding of austerity as articulated differently in different contexts, but experienced similarly at the front lines of care work.

During the 1990s and 2000s, the characteristics of new immigrants to Canada changed significantly across several dimensions, including education, admission class, source region, and pre-landing Canadian work experience, owing at least partly to changes in immigration selection policies. This article examines whether these changes affected earnings trends among immigrants. Among all new immigrants and economic principal applicants, aside from cyclical fluctuations, entry earnings changed little over the 1990s and 2000s. This stability was the result of competing influences, some that tended to increase earnings and some that tended to reduce them. The key changes in immigrant characteristics that put upward pressure on entry earnings were the rising educational attainment in the 1990s and a large increase in the share of immigrants with high pre-landing Canadian earnings during the 2000s. The latter characteristic also accounted for the earnings advantage of provincial nominees over skilled worker immigrants. The policy implications of the results are discussed.

This article presents the findings of a survey of unionized professors and professional librarians at a public university in Southern Ontario to examine their views on the prospect and desirability of “right-to-work” legislation and “paycheck protection” laws. The purpose of the study is twofold: first, to assess the level of opposition to such legislative initiatives among unionized faculty, and, second, to determine the extent to which the passage of such laws would undermine the dues base of the faculty union. Based on the findings of a mixed methods survey, we found that a strong majority of the university professors and professional librarians surveyed were opposed to “right-to-work” and “paycheck protection” laws and that their passage would not deter them from paying dues or authorizing expenditures for political action.

This paper examines whether environmental assessments (EAs) influence the ability of Aboriginal peoples to advance community employment aims in resource development projects. Environmental assessment and labour policy and practices have been conventionally understood as distinct processes. Our investigations demonstrate that EAs play a significant, if indirect, role in Aboriginal efforts to regulate resource sector work. While Aboriginal communities increasingly rely upon private negotiations with development proponents to secure resource sector employment, participation in EA processes provides Aboriginal peoples a space to negotiate language around employment commitments and leverage to secure Aboriginal employment provisions in impact benefit agreements with project proponents.

This paper explores worker resistance at the point of production, and how the terrain of workplace control is both different and more ambiguous for workers in precarious employment compared to that of workers in secure employment. For the most part, this is the story of unorganized workers who face their employers without the protection of a formal union. The main focus of this study is the individualized, informal, and under-the-radar strategies that workers employ to shape workplace outcomes, and how these strategies might translate into broader collective action.