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The article reviews the books, "67 Shots: Kent State and the End of American Innocence," by Howard Means and "Above the Shots: An Oral History of the Kent State Shootings," by Craig S. Simpson and Gregory S. Wilson.

Bringing together a multidisciplinary group of experts from the fields of labour studies, public health, ergonomics, epidemiology, sociology and law, Sick and Tired examines the inequalities in workplace health and safety. Using an anti-oppressive framework, chapters interrogate a wide range of issues, including links between precarious employment and mental health, the inverse relationship between power and occupational health through the experiences of women, immigrants and older workers, and the need for creative strategies that promote health and safety in ways that support empowerment and equity. --Publisher's description. Contents: Introduction: Causes and expressions of inequalities / Stephanie Premji --The changing nature of work in Canada: Impact on the health of workers / Peter Smith -- Are millennials being stiffed? Work and mental health in a neoliberal world / Wayne Lewchuk & Jeffrey Martin -- The aging population and workforce: Implications for occupational health and safety / Harry Shannon, Lauren Griffith & Parminder Raina -- Workers’ compensation in Ontario: Legislative and policy changes / Andrew King -- Occupational disease recognition: The science and politics in workers’ compensation / Katherine Lippel -- The dominant breast cancer causation paradigm: Challenging it through the lens of media discourses / Jane McArthur -- Between a rock and a hard place: Making occupational health compatible with gender equality / Karen Messing -- Immigrant men and women’s occupational health: Questioning the myths / Stephanie Premji -- Hotel and hospital cleaning: Occupational health and safety risks in the neoliberal era / Dan Zuberi & Melita Ptashnick -- Compounded vulnerabilities and creative strategies: Occupational health of temporary foreign agricultural workers / Janet McLaughlin, Michelle Tew & Eduardo Huesca -- Science, politics and advocacy: The fight to ban asbestos / Kathleen Ruff.

Ce mémoire porte sur l’immigration au Québec en comparant le point de vue des principales organisations représentant le monde patronal et le monde syndical de l965 à 1995. Les instances étudiées sont, du côté patronal : le Conseil du patronat du Québec (CPQ) et la Chambre de commerce du district de Montréal (CCDM). Du côté syndical, nous analysons le discours des principales centrales, soit la Confédération des syndicats nationaux (CSN), la Fédération des travailleurs du Québec (FTQ) et la Centrale de l’enseignement du Québec (CEQ). Avec l'augmentation constante du nombre d'immigrants et la diversification de leurs origines, la période étudiée se caractérise par la volonté du gouvernement québécois de prendre en charge les politiques d’immigration et d’intégration des immigrants à la société québécoise. Désireux d'intervenir conjointement avec le gouvernement fédéral, il crée, en 1968, un ministère de l'Immigration. Tout au long de la période étudiée, des négociations entre les deux paliers de gouvernement se traduisent par des ententes qui définissent la marge de manoeuvre de l'État québécois et guident ses actions en matière d'immigration et d'intégration. Au cours des années 1980, l'État québécois se dote d'une politique d'intégration et d'encadrement des immigrants qu’il qualifie d’interculturalisme, destinée à promouvoir la reconnaissance de la pluralité ethnoculturelle et l'adhésion de tous les citoyens à la langue française. En participant aux consultations publiques du gouvernement et en présentant des réclamations, les organisations patronales et syndicales tentent d'influencer les politiques d'immigration. Chaque instance développe une manière particulière d’analyser les questions liées à l’immigration. Dans une large mesure, leurs discours se rejoignent sur l’idée que le gouvernement du Québec prenne en charge le domaine de l’immigration et sur l’apport bénéfique des immigrants pour la société québécoise. Bien souvent cependant, elles s’opposent sur les normes de sélection et sur la manière de mettre en application les politiques d’immigration.

The article reviews the books, "Framing Work: Unitary, Pluralist and Critical Perspectives in the Twenty-first Century," by Edmund Heery, and "Perspectives on Contemporary Professional Work," edited by Adrian Wilkinson, Donald Hislop and Christine Coupland.

This paper investigates variation in the design of labor provisions in preferential trade agreements (PTAs) by focusing on the power of trade unions, the role of government partisanship, and the relative strength of skilled labor. We expect strong trade unions and left-leaning governments to be associated with more, and more far-reaching labor provisions in PTAs. We also expect the strength of skilled workers relative to the strength of unskilled workers to negatively correlate with the depth of labor provisions in PTAs. In addition, the effect of trade unions should be conditional on both the presence of left government and democracy. We test these hypotheses relying on an original dataset of labor provisions included in 483 PTAs signed between 1990 and 2016. This dataset covers 140 different labor provisions that relate to six overarching dimensions. The quantitative analysis finds support for the expectations concerning the influence of trade unions and the role of a country’s skill profile.

The article reviews the book, "May Morris: Arts and Crafts Designer," by Rowan Bain, Hanne Faurby, Jenny Lister, Anna Mason, and Jan Marsh.

We introduce a theoretically-grounded conceptualization of inclusive leadership and present a framework for understanding factors that contribute to and follow from inclusive leadership within work groups. We conceptualize inclusive leadership as a set of positive leader behaviors that facilitate group members perceiving belongingness in the work group while maintaining their uniqueness within the group as they fully contribute to group processes and outcomes. We propose that leader pro-diversity beliefs, humility, and cognitive complexity increase the propensity of inclusive leader behaviors. We identify five categories of inclusive leadership behaviors that facilitate group members' perceptions of inclusion, which in turn lead to member work group identification, psychological empowerment, and behavioral outcomes (creativity, job performance, and reduced turnover) in the pursuit of group goals. This framework provides theoretical grounding for the construct of inclusive leadership while advancing our understanding of how leaders can increase diverse work group effectiveness.

The article reviews the book, "Spying on Canadians: The Royal Canadian Mounted Police Security Service and the Origins of the Long Cold War," by Gregory S. Kealey.

We analyze four calls to action issued by the British Columbia Teachers’ Federation (BCTF) president, Jim Iker. These appeals sought to mobilize members during the 2013-2014 collective bargaining that pitted the BCTF against the British Columbia government and the direct employer, the British Columbia Public School Employers’ Association. We apply a “theory of rhetoric” developed by Chaim Perelman to locate and analyze the topics the BCTF president used to persuade his members to adhere to his arguments about the merit of collective action. We argue that the president constructed his rhetoric by visiting five topics—urgency, fairness, futility, agency, and integrity. The first three promoted a utilitarian logic for collective action. Iker used them to persuade teachers, and other stakeholders, that collective action was necessary for addressing the problem—the futility of the bargaining process to produce a negotiated fair agreement due to the government’s reluctance to bargain in good faith. The last two topics—agency and integrity—comprised a rhetoric of comfort and reassurance offering an affective logic for acting collectively. At least some union members, as well as other stakeholders, might have felt that teachers are expected to care for their charges in the classroom rather than on the picket line, by withdrawing services they monopolize. Iker used the topics of agency and integrity to remind everyone that defending students, young teachers, the teaching profession, and the education system was commendable, and reassured them that collectively they would not be ignored and nor would they fail. In short, we have pointed out five topics that the president visited to mobilize his members to collective action. They highlight a unique rhetoric that aimed to persuade teachers to become agents of protest. Our case study methodology did not allow us to generalize our findings, which more research is, thus, needed to corroborate.

Workplaces have long sought to improve employee productivity and performance by monitoring and tracking a variety of indicators. Increasingly, these efforts target the health and wellbeing of the employee – recognizing that a healthy and active worker is a productive one. Influenced by managerial trends in personalized and participatory medicine (Swan 2012), some workplaces have begun to pilot their own programs, utilizing fitness wearables and personal analytics to reduce sedentary lifestyles. These programs typically take the form of gamified self-tracking challenges combining cooperation, competition, and fundraising to incentivize participants to get moving. While seemingly providing new arrows in the bio-political quiver – that is, tools to keep employees disciplined yet active, healthy yet profitable (Lupton 2012) – there is also a certain degree of acceptance and participation. Although participants are shaped by self-tracking technologies, “they also, in turn, shape them by their own ideas and practices” (Ruckenstein 2014: 70). In this paper, we argue that instead of viewing self-tracking challenges solely through discourses of power or empowerment, the more pressing question concerns “how our relationship to our tracking activities takes shape within a constellation of habits, cultural norms, material conditions, ideological constraints” (Van Den Eede 2015: 157). We confront these tensions through an empiric case study of self-tracking challenges for staff and faculty at two Canadian universities. By cutting through the hype, this paper uncovers how self-trackers are becoming (and not just left to) their own devices.

Mon allocution s’inspire de mon expérience et traite de ma réflexion sur la négociation collective, que j’ai longuement fréquentée et pratiquée à la Confédération des syndicats nationaux (CSN) en tant que négociateur syndical dans le secteur manufacturier au Québec et, par la suite, à titre de formateur et collaborateur auprès du Bureau international du Travail (BIT). Je ferai ressortir, à l’aide d’exemples que j’ai vécus, la nature et l’impact des mutations qui ont eu cours quant au rôle régulateur de la négociation collective, ainsi que sur les capacités délibérative et d’adaptation des syndicats. Je traiterai de ce sujet en trois temps. --Introduction

Encore invisible, le travail des femmes? La question peut faire sourciller tant les féministes ont obtenu des gains sur ce front au cours des dernières décennies. Or, si les femmes ont massivement intégré le marché de l'emploi, le travail dit invisible, majoritairement effectué par celles-ci, n'a fait que croître et se complexifier. En plus du strict travail ménager, il se présente sous de multiples visages: la charge mentale de l'organisation familiale, le travail invisible d'intégration des femmes immigrantes, le travail des proches aidantes, celui des aides familiales venues d'ailleurs, des femmes autochtones et racisées, des étudiantes stagiaires, ou encore, des travailleuses du sexe. Comment se décline l'enjeu du travail invisible dans différents milieux, et où en sont les revendications pour faire reconnaître ce travail et le sortir de l'ombre? Rassemblant des militantes féministes et des intellectuelles engagées sur ces questions, cet ouvrage collectif entend remettre le sujet du travail invisible à l'ordre du jour politique tout en proposant des pistes de réflexion et de mobilisation concrètes. Encore invisible, le travail des femmes? La question peut faire sourciller tant les féministes ont obtenu des gains sur ce front au cours des dernières décennies. Or, si les femmes ont massivement intégré le marché de l'emploi, le travail dit invisible, majoritairement effectué par celles-ci, n'a fait que croître et se complexifier. En plus du strict travail ménager, il se présente sous de multiples visages: la charge mentale de l'organisation familiale, le travail invisible d'intégration des femmes immigrantes, le travail des proches aidantes, celui des aides familiales venues d'ailleurs, des femmes autochtones et racisées, des étudiantes stagiaires, ou encore, des travailleuses du sexe. Comment se décline l'enjeu du travail invisible dans différents milieux, et où en sont les revendications pour faire reconnaître ce travail et le sortir de l'ombre? Rassemblant des militantes féministes et des intellectuelles engagées sur ces questions, cet ouvrage collectif entend remettre le sujet du travail invisible à l'ordre du jour politique tout en proposant des pistes de réflexion et de mobilisation concrètes. Des textes de Stella Adjokê, Sandrine Belley, Sonia Ben Soltane, Annabelle Berthiaume, Jenn Clamen, Hélène Cornellier, Irène Demczuk, Myriam Dumont Robillard, Claudia Foisy, Monica Forrester, Elizabeth James, Elene Lam, Widia Larivière, Valérie Lefebvre-Faucher, Linda Li, Camille Robert, Annabelle Seery, Valérie Simard et Louise Toupin. -- Résumé de l'éditeur

The article reviews the book, "Unions and the City: Negotiating Urban Change," edited by Ian Thomas MacDonald.

This article reviews the book, "Labor Under Fire: A History of the AFL-CIO since 1979" by Timothy J. Minchin.

Revised version of the article published in 2010.

Analyzes some of the practices that cause discontent within unions including weaknesses in equity, internal politics, and decision-making practices.

The February 2012 closure of London, Ontario’s Electro-Motive Diesel by the notoriously anti-union US multinational Caterpillar symbolizes the deep challenges faced by private sector unions in globalized industries. This closure was the final blow in Caterpillar’s negotiations with Canadian Auto Workers Local 27. This article explores the implications of changes in corporate structure, investment, and labour-relations strategy in manufacturing that have reduced capital’s dependence on production and increased corporate power over workers. Through a detailed case study based on extensive analysis of a range of sources, the authors argue that union strategy must be guided by a more differentiated understanding of corporate structure. While unions can effectively mobilize in response to attacks by anti-union employers, union strategy must first be rooted in a careful study of the employer’s structure, strengths and weaknesses, and industry context. Second, unions must develop capacities to intervene at scales beyond the local employment relationship and community. Third, unions must consider more carefully the nature of the various forms of power they seek to deploy and how these forms of power can amplify each other. Even the most effective campaigns will fail to muster leverage over an employer or industry if they neglect developing these forms of knowledge and capacity.

This multi-disciplinary edited collection critically examines the causes and effects of anti-unionism in Canada. Primarily through a series of case studies, the book’s contributors document and expose the tactics and strategies of employers and anti-labour governments while also interrogating some of the labour movement’s own practices as a source of anti-union sentiment among workers. -- Publisher's description. Contents: Labour Under Attack: An Introduction to Anti-Unionism in Canada / Stephanie Ross & Larry Savage -- A Crisis of Representation: Anti-Unionism, Media and Popular Culture / Dennis Soron -- The Complexities of Worker Anti-Unionism / Stephanie Ross -- Inequality and Divisions on the Shop Floor: The Case of John Deere Welland Works / June Corman, Ann Duffy & Norene Pupo-Barkans -- Organizing Against the Odds: Anti-Unionism in Niagara’s Casino Gaming Sector / Larry Savage & Nick Ruhloff-Queiruga -- Anti-Unionism in Professional Sport: The Case of Major Junior Hockey / Simon Black -- The Cultural Politics of Labour in Retail / Kendra Coulter -- “I Work at VICE Canada and I Need a Union”: Organizing Digital Media / Nicole Cohen & Greig De Peuter.

The article reviews the book, "Brokering Servitude: Migration and the Politics of Domestic Labor during the Long Nineteenth Century," by Andrew Urban.

Recent U.S. studies offer conflicting evidence on minimum wage impacts. This paper studies the effects of 185 amendments to minimum wage on employment rates using panel data across Canadian provinces from 1981 to 2011. Ordinary least squares and instrumental variables (IV) estimates imply a 10% increase in minimum wage is associated with a 1% – 4% reduction to employment rates for both male and female teens. We also find that an increase in the minimum wage is associated with lower employment of prime-aged immigrants. Our results are robust to a wide array of IV and the use of controls for spatial heterogeneity.