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Rebellious youth, the Cold War, New Left radicalism, Pierre Trudeau, Red Power, Quebec's call for Revolution, Marshall McLuhan: these are just some of the major forces and figures that come to mind at the slightest mention of the 1960s in Canada. Focusing on the major movements and personalities of the time, as well as the lasting influence of the period, Canada's 1960s examines the legacy of this rebellious decade's impact on contemporary notions of Canadian identity. Bryan D. Palmer demonstrates how after massive postwar immigration, new political movements, and at times violent protest, Canada could no longer be viewed in the old ways. National identity, long rooted in notions of Canada as a white settler Dominion of the North, marked profoundly by its origins as part of the British Empire, had become unsettled. Concerned with how Canadians entered the Sixties relatively secure in their national identities, Palmer explores the forces that contributed to the post-1970 uncertainty about what it is to be Canadian. Tracing the significance of dissent and upheaval among youth, trade unionists, university students, Native peoples, and Quebecois, Palmer shows how the Sixties ended the entrenched, nineteenth-century notions of Canada. The irony of this rebellious era, however, was that while it promised so much in the way of change, it failed to provide a new understanding of Canadian national identity. A compelling and highly accessible work of interpretive history, Canada's 1960s is the book of the decade about an era many regard as the most turbulent and significant since the years of the Great Depression and World War II. --Publisher's description

This exploratory study examines union-civil alliances in New Zealand (NZ). It focuses on the involvement of NZ’s peak union body, the Council of Trade Unions, in three civil group coalitions around the Living Wage Campaign, Decent Work Agenda and Environmental Agenda. It assesses how the CTU and its affiliates’ coalition involvement are informed by and seek to progress liberal (representative), participatory and/or more radical democratic principles, and what this means for organizational practice; the relations between the coalition parties; workplaces; and beyond. Through case discussions, the study finds that civil alliances involving the CTU and its affiliates do not reflect a core trait of union activity in NZ. Among the union-civil alliances that do exist, there is a prevailing sense of their utility to progress shared interests alongside, and on the union side, a more instrumental aim to encourage union revival. However, the alliances under examination reflect an engagement with various liberal and participatory democratic arrangements at different organizational levels. More radical democratic tendencies emerge in relation to ad hoc elements of activity and the aspirational goals of such coalitions as opposed to their usual processes and institutional configurations. In essence, what emerges is a labour centre and movement which, on the one hand, is in a survivalist mode primarily concerned with economistic matters, and on the other, in a position of relative political and bargaining weakness, reaching out to other civil groups where it can so as to challenge the neo-liberal hegemony. Based on our findings, we conclude that Laclau and Mouffe’s (2001) view of radical democracy holds promise for subsequent coalitions involving the CTU, particularly in the context of NZ workers’ diverse interests and the plurality of other civil groups and social movements’ interests. This view concerns on-going agency, change, organizing and strategy by coalitions to build inclusive (counter-) hegemony, arguing for a politic from below that challenges existing dominant neo-liberal assumptions in work and other spheres of life.

Focusing on the Niagara region, this study explains the continued adherence of thousands of Canadian workers to communist-led unions during the Cold War era. It argues that co-operation between communist-led unions and communist-led ethnic clubs and other political and social activists in the pursuit of human rights, social justice, and environmental goals explains why thousands of workers continued to adhere to such unions despite intense red-baiting in the 1940s and 1950s. Reaching out to allies beyond the workplace in solidarity unionism was especially important because of the marginalization of communist-led unions within the Canadian labour movement. The study’s findings reinforce the view that local economic and political conditions played a significant role in shaping communist-led unions in Canada. The study also highlights the contribution of interethnic collaboration among immigrant workers to the development of the Canadian labour movement.

This article explores the labour history of the Maine–New Brunswick sardine herring fishery. It looks specifically at the impact of the 1920–21 recession on weir fishermen who provided juvenile herring fish for the Maine canneries. The article argues that Maine canneries successfully formed a buyers’ trust, which was a widely accepted form of business integration among government and business leaders during the 1920s, and used that trust to break the independence of weir fishermen. The trust used its power to devalue the market price of herring fish and take control of the supply and production of fish, which forced the fishermen into a dependent class. The article thus sheds light on the impact of recessions and recession recoveries on labourers by illustrating the ill effects of market concentration, which is an economic norm following recessions.

This article examines how the dormitory labour system as it is employed in the agricultural streams of Canada's Temporary Foreign Worker Program (TFWP) affects workers' everyday sociality. In the article, I demonstrate how the physical compression of home and work into a singular geographic site shapes workers' identities and everyday relationships. Drawing on findings gathered from interviews with migrant farm workers from Mexico and Guatemala working in Southern Ontario, I explore how the requirement to warehouse temporary foreign workers directly on employer property collides with workers' ability to establish an autonomous and dignified life in Canada. In particular, I demonstrate how the TFWP agricultural dormitory system produces inter-generational dynamics that intensify worker self-discipline and generates gender dynamics that support the development of a hyper-productive transnational workforce.

The article reviews the book, "Revisiting the Law and Governance of Trafficking, Forced Labor and Modern Slavery," edited by Prabha Kotiswaran.

La littérature en GRH a longuement discuté les évolutions intervenues dans le champ des carrières en opposant le modèle classique de la carrière organisationnelle au modèle de la carrière nomade, censé répondre au nouveau contrat psychologique qui lie les travailleurs aux organisations du XXIe siècle. Désormais, il s’agirait pour les gestionnaires RH d’attirer des talents dont ils savent que le passage dans l’organisation sera limité dans le temps. Le développement sans précédent des formes de travail au projet, à mi-chemin entre l’emploi salarié et le statut d’indépendant, semble donner raison à cette conception « moderne » de la carrière. Toutefois, une observation plus fine des évolutions en cours sur le marché du travail montre que les carrières des travailleurs au projet ne sont pas seulement le fruit des initiatives individuelles de travailleurs offrant leurs talents sur le marché. Elles passent souvent par des structures d’intermédiation qui, en offrant diverses formules de sécurisation, deviennent des partenaires incontournables de la gestion des trajectoires professionnelles. À partir d’un travail conceptuel sur la notion d’intermédiaire du marché du travail et sur la base de multiples études de cas contrastées sur le marché du travail belge, notre article montre la diversité des formes que peut prendre ce travail d’intermédiation et dégage deux « types idéaux » reflétant des conceptions opposées de la sécurisation des transitions professionnelles : la première considère les travailleurs au projet comme des « quasi-salariés »; la seconde comme des « quasi-indépendants ». Nous montrons, ensuite, en quoi ce jeu triangulaire conduit à une remise en cause de la gestion des carrières en tant qu’attribut régalien de la fonction RH.

The article reviews the books, "67 Shots: Kent State and the End of American Innocence," by Howard Means and "Above the Shots: An Oral History of the Kent State Shootings," by Craig S. Simpson and Gregory S. Wilson.

Bringing together a multidisciplinary group of experts from the fields of labour studies, public health, ergonomics, epidemiology, sociology and law, Sick and Tired examines the inequalities in workplace health and safety. Using an anti-oppressive framework, chapters interrogate a wide range of issues, including links between precarious employment and mental health, the inverse relationship between power and occupational health through the experiences of women, immigrants and older workers, and the need for creative strategies that promote health and safety in ways that support empowerment and equity. --Publisher's description. Contents: Introduction: Causes and expressions of inequalities / Stephanie Premji --The changing nature of work in Canada: Impact on the health of workers / Peter Smith -- Are millennials being stiffed? Work and mental health in a neoliberal world / Wayne Lewchuk & Jeffrey Martin -- The aging population and workforce: Implications for occupational health and safety / Harry Shannon, Lauren Griffith & Parminder Raina -- Workers’ compensation in Ontario: Legislative and policy changes / Andrew King -- Occupational disease recognition: The science and politics in workers’ compensation / Katherine Lippel -- The dominant breast cancer causation paradigm: Challenging it through the lens of media discourses / Jane McArthur -- Between a rock and a hard place: Making occupational health compatible with gender equality / Karen Messing -- Immigrant men and women’s occupational health: Questioning the myths / Stephanie Premji -- Hotel and hospital cleaning: Occupational health and safety risks in the neoliberal era / Dan Zuberi & Melita Ptashnick -- Compounded vulnerabilities and creative strategies: Occupational health of temporary foreign agricultural workers / Janet McLaughlin, Michelle Tew & Eduardo Huesca -- Science, politics and advocacy: The fight to ban asbestos / Kathleen Ruff.

Ce mémoire porte sur l’immigration au Québec en comparant le point de vue des principales organisations représentant le monde patronal et le monde syndical de l965 à 1995. Les instances étudiées sont, du côté patronal : le Conseil du patronat du Québec (CPQ) et la Chambre de commerce du district de Montréal (CCDM). Du côté syndical, nous analysons le discours des principales centrales, soit la Confédération des syndicats nationaux (CSN), la Fédération des travailleurs du Québec (FTQ) et la Centrale de l’enseignement du Québec (CEQ). Avec l'augmentation constante du nombre d'immigrants et la diversification de leurs origines, la période étudiée se caractérise par la volonté du gouvernement québécois de prendre en charge les politiques d’immigration et d’intégration des immigrants à la société québécoise. Désireux d'intervenir conjointement avec le gouvernement fédéral, il crée, en 1968, un ministère de l'Immigration. Tout au long de la période étudiée, des négociations entre les deux paliers de gouvernement se traduisent par des ententes qui définissent la marge de manoeuvre de l'État québécois et guident ses actions en matière d'immigration et d'intégration. Au cours des années 1980, l'État québécois se dote d'une politique d'intégration et d'encadrement des immigrants qu’il qualifie d’interculturalisme, destinée à promouvoir la reconnaissance de la pluralité ethnoculturelle et l'adhésion de tous les citoyens à la langue française. En participant aux consultations publiques du gouvernement et en présentant des réclamations, les organisations patronales et syndicales tentent d'influencer les politiques d'immigration. Chaque instance développe une manière particulière d’analyser les questions liées à l’immigration. Dans une large mesure, leurs discours se rejoignent sur l’idée que le gouvernement du Québec prenne en charge le domaine de l’immigration et sur l’apport bénéfique des immigrants pour la société québécoise. Bien souvent cependant, elles s’opposent sur les normes de sélection et sur la manière de mettre en application les politiques d’immigration.

The article reviews the books, "Framing Work: Unitary, Pluralist and Critical Perspectives in the Twenty-first Century," by Edmund Heery, and "Perspectives on Contemporary Professional Work," edited by Adrian Wilkinson, Donald Hislop and Christine Coupland.

This paper investigates variation in the design of labor provisions in preferential trade agreements (PTAs) by focusing on the power of trade unions, the role of government partisanship, and the relative strength of skilled labor. We expect strong trade unions and left-leaning governments to be associated with more, and more far-reaching labor provisions in PTAs. We also expect the strength of skilled workers relative to the strength of unskilled workers to negatively correlate with the depth of labor provisions in PTAs. In addition, the effect of trade unions should be conditional on both the presence of left government and democracy. We test these hypotheses relying on an original dataset of labor provisions included in 483 PTAs signed between 1990 and 2016. This dataset covers 140 different labor provisions that relate to six overarching dimensions. The quantitative analysis finds support for the expectations concerning the influence of trade unions and the role of a country’s skill profile.

The article reviews the book, "May Morris: Arts and Crafts Designer," by Rowan Bain, Hanne Faurby, Jenny Lister, Anna Mason, and Jan Marsh.

We introduce a theoretically-grounded conceptualization of inclusive leadership and present a framework for understanding factors that contribute to and follow from inclusive leadership within work groups. We conceptualize inclusive leadership as a set of positive leader behaviors that facilitate group members perceiving belongingness in the work group while maintaining their uniqueness within the group as they fully contribute to group processes and outcomes. We propose that leader pro-diversity beliefs, humility, and cognitive complexity increase the propensity of inclusive leader behaviors. We identify five categories of inclusive leadership behaviors that facilitate group members' perceptions of inclusion, which in turn lead to member work group identification, psychological empowerment, and behavioral outcomes (creativity, job performance, and reduced turnover) in the pursuit of group goals. This framework provides theoretical grounding for the construct of inclusive leadership while advancing our understanding of how leaders can increase diverse work group effectiveness.

The article reviews the book, "Spying on Canadians: The Royal Canadian Mounted Police Security Service and the Origins of the Long Cold War," by Gregory S. Kealey.

We analyze four calls to action issued by the British Columbia Teachers’ Federation (BCTF) president, Jim Iker. These appeals sought to mobilize members during the 2013-2014 collective bargaining that pitted the BCTF against the British Columbia government and the direct employer, the British Columbia Public School Employers’ Association. We apply a “theory of rhetoric” developed by Chaim Perelman to locate and analyze the topics the BCTF president used to persuade his members to adhere to his arguments about the merit of collective action. We argue that the president constructed his rhetoric by visiting five topics—urgency, fairness, futility, agency, and integrity. The first three promoted a utilitarian logic for collective action. Iker used them to persuade teachers, and other stakeholders, that collective action was necessary for addressing the problem—the futility of the bargaining process to produce a negotiated fair agreement due to the government’s reluctance to bargain in good faith. The last two topics—agency and integrity—comprised a rhetoric of comfort and reassurance offering an affective logic for acting collectively. At least some union members, as well as other stakeholders, might have felt that teachers are expected to care for their charges in the classroom rather than on the picket line, by withdrawing services they monopolize. Iker used the topics of agency and integrity to remind everyone that defending students, young teachers, the teaching profession, and the education system was commendable, and reassured them that collectively they would not be ignored and nor would they fail. In short, we have pointed out five topics that the president visited to mobilize his members to collective action. They highlight a unique rhetoric that aimed to persuade teachers to become agents of protest. Our case study methodology did not allow us to generalize our findings, which more research is, thus, needed to corroborate.

Workplaces have long sought to improve employee productivity and performance by monitoring and tracking a variety of indicators. Increasingly, these efforts target the health and wellbeing of the employee – recognizing that a healthy and active worker is a productive one. Influenced by managerial trends in personalized and participatory medicine (Swan 2012), some workplaces have begun to pilot their own programs, utilizing fitness wearables and personal analytics to reduce sedentary lifestyles. These programs typically take the form of gamified self-tracking challenges combining cooperation, competition, and fundraising to incentivize participants to get moving. While seemingly providing new arrows in the bio-political quiver – that is, tools to keep employees disciplined yet active, healthy yet profitable (Lupton 2012) – there is also a certain degree of acceptance and participation. Although participants are shaped by self-tracking technologies, “they also, in turn, shape them by their own ideas and practices” (Ruckenstein 2014: 70). In this paper, we argue that instead of viewing self-tracking challenges solely through discourses of power or empowerment, the more pressing question concerns “how our relationship to our tracking activities takes shape within a constellation of habits, cultural norms, material conditions, ideological constraints” (Van Den Eede 2015: 157). We confront these tensions through an empiric case study of self-tracking challenges for staff and faculty at two Canadian universities. By cutting through the hype, this paper uncovers how self-trackers are becoming (and not just left to) their own devices.

Mon allocution s’inspire de mon expérience et traite de ma réflexion sur la négociation collective, que j’ai longuement fréquentée et pratiquée à la Confédération des syndicats nationaux (CSN) en tant que négociateur syndical dans le secteur manufacturier au Québec et, par la suite, à titre de formateur et collaborateur auprès du Bureau international du Travail (BIT). Je ferai ressortir, à l’aide d’exemples que j’ai vécus, la nature et l’impact des mutations qui ont eu cours quant au rôle régulateur de la négociation collective, ainsi que sur les capacités délibérative et d’adaptation des syndicats. Je traiterai de ce sujet en trois temps. --Introduction

Encore invisible, le travail des femmes? La question peut faire sourciller tant les féministes ont obtenu des gains sur ce front au cours des dernières décennies. Or, si les femmes ont massivement intégré le marché de l'emploi, le travail dit invisible, majoritairement effectué par celles-ci, n'a fait que croître et se complexifier. En plus du strict travail ménager, il se présente sous de multiples visages: la charge mentale de l'organisation familiale, le travail invisible d'intégration des femmes immigrantes, le travail des proches aidantes, celui des aides familiales venues d'ailleurs, des femmes autochtones et racisées, des étudiantes stagiaires, ou encore, des travailleuses du sexe. Comment se décline l'enjeu du travail invisible dans différents milieux, et où en sont les revendications pour faire reconnaître ce travail et le sortir de l'ombre? Rassemblant des militantes féministes et des intellectuelles engagées sur ces questions, cet ouvrage collectif entend remettre le sujet du travail invisible à l'ordre du jour politique tout en proposant des pistes de réflexion et de mobilisation concrètes. Encore invisible, le travail des femmes? La question peut faire sourciller tant les féministes ont obtenu des gains sur ce front au cours des dernières décennies. Or, si les femmes ont massivement intégré le marché de l'emploi, le travail dit invisible, majoritairement effectué par celles-ci, n'a fait que croître et se complexifier. En plus du strict travail ménager, il se présente sous de multiples visages: la charge mentale de l'organisation familiale, le travail invisible d'intégration des femmes immigrantes, le travail des proches aidantes, celui des aides familiales venues d'ailleurs, des femmes autochtones et racisées, des étudiantes stagiaires, ou encore, des travailleuses du sexe. Comment se décline l'enjeu du travail invisible dans différents milieux, et où en sont les revendications pour faire reconnaître ce travail et le sortir de l'ombre? Rassemblant des militantes féministes et des intellectuelles engagées sur ces questions, cet ouvrage collectif entend remettre le sujet du travail invisible à l'ordre du jour politique tout en proposant des pistes de réflexion et de mobilisation concrètes. Des textes de Stella Adjokê, Sandrine Belley, Sonia Ben Soltane, Annabelle Berthiaume, Jenn Clamen, Hélène Cornellier, Irène Demczuk, Myriam Dumont Robillard, Claudia Foisy, Monica Forrester, Elizabeth James, Elene Lam, Widia Larivière, Valérie Lefebvre-Faucher, Linda Li, Camille Robert, Annabelle Seery, Valérie Simard et Louise Toupin. -- Résumé de l'éditeur