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This article reviews "Evaluating the Labor-Market Effects of Social Programs" edited by O. Ashenfelter and J. Blum.

This article reviews "Wage Price Controls and Labor Market Distortions" by Daniel J.B. Mitchell and Ross E. Azevedo.

This article reviews "Les horaires variables : examen de la littérature" by B. Turgeon, "L’horaire variable au Québec : rapport d’enquête" by Louise H. Côté and Normande Lewis, "L’horaire variable : rapport de la mission d’étude en Allemagne et en Suisse" by B.M. Tessier and B. Turgeon, and "Les répercussions de l’horaire variable sur l’individu" by R. Boulard, Louise H. Côté, S. Guimond and B. Turgeon.

The Mine Workers' Union of Canada was a trade union, centred in the coal fields of the Province of Alberta, which existed between the years 1925 and 1936, and included a membership of between 2,000 and 4,900 mine workers during that period. The formation of the union came about as a result of the break-up of District 18 of the United Mine Workers of America in 1924-1925. From the onset, its leadership was composed of differing elements, from conservatives who opposed the U.M.W. of A. for nationalistic reasons, to members of the Communist Party. The M.W.U.C. was one of the founding members of the All Canadian Congress of labour in 1927, and its President, Frank Wheatley, was a Vice-President of the Congress, until his ouster from the miners' union in 1930. miners' union in 1930. Early in that year the Communists, led by Harvey Murphy, began a drive to have the M.W.U.C. disaffiliate from the A.C.C.L., and join the new revolutionary trade union central, the Workers' Unity League. They were apparently successful, for in May of 1931, the union's membership voted by a 73% margin to affiliate with the W.U.L. Later that year the Communist Party of Canada was outlawed and the M.W.U.C. itself was declared to be an "unlawful association" in the courts. Anti-communist and anti-union sentiments on the part of employers led to long and bitter strikes, the most important of which took place in the Crows' Nest Pass in 1932. Finally, after six years of intense struggle on both the industrial and political fronts, the Workers Unity League was disbanded by the Communist Party. In June of 1936, the membership of the Mine Workers' Union of Canada voted to return to the U.M.W. of A. and the union passed into history.

Examines the 1937 sit-down strike at the Holmes Foundry in Sarnia, Ontario, during which the strikers were beaten and . Discusses the impetus for the strike as well as the situation in the area and the foundry in particular. Comments on the strategy of the strikers and the stoking of racial hatred by the management and local authorities. The author argues that the Holmes Foundry strike illustrated the exent to which the elite was willing to go to crush the strike.

This study presents the main recommendations of Lord Bullock's Committee of Inquiry on Industrial Democracy in Great Britain.

This paper attemps to answer the questions as to why the federal public servants alther their options from the arbitration process to the conciliation process.

The intent of this paper is to estimate the extent of male-female wage differential in a local labor market among the Native born and Foreign born Canadians

Cette étude a pour but de répondre aux questions suivantes: premièrement, est-ce qu'il existe des différences significatives selon les cadres dans les critères utilisés pour déterminer leurs augmentations de salaire et ceux qu'ils désirent? Deuxièmement, est-ce qu'il existe des différences entre les critères utilisés et ceux désirés par les cadres appartenant à des milieux culturels différents? En dernier lieu, quelles caractéristiques pourraient expliquer l'importance relative qu'ils accordent aux critères désirés dans la détermination des augmentations de salaire ?

The problem to be investigated in this study centres on discovering how urban conflict first emerges as a visible force. Those circumstances which led to the outbreak of open conflict in Winnipeg will be examined to test four competitive social conflict theories. Each theory establishes a series of assumptions about how conflict will emerge. The substantive implicatjons of these assumptions will be compared with the available information on the actual conditions evident at the moment of the emergence of the strike. Through this comparison, this jnvestigation will determjne which theory or theories best describes how the incident of urban confljct actualiy emerged to produce the Winnipeg General Strike of 1919. This research has concentrated on urban conflict, rather than rural conflict, because the urban culture more accurately reflects the structural make-up of our society. In Canada, over l6 million people live in cities. That represents 76.1% of the total population of Canada, and this figure is rising by 2.9% per annum. Thus, with an increasing majority of our population residing in urban centres, the problems of urban living and its resultant conflicts, have become an increasingly salient feature of the composition of Canadian society. This investigation will be performed by centering specifically on urban unrest, rather than analyzing turmoi1 at a regiona1 or national level. Canadian history has had few examples of wide-scale conflict. Most forms of insurgence within Canada have been limited to either a single industry or a single city. This may be because Canadian cities are isolated from each other, and extend across the country in a series of pockets located along its southern border. This separation may have made it difficult, in the past, to transport issues to other communities. As telecommunications had greatly improved the linkages between urban centres by l919, this may explain why some sympathy for the Winnipeg General Strike was expressed jn other cities by means of minor sympathy strikes, although there was little long term unified protest outside the city itself. Therefore, limited by Canadian experience, this work will confine itself to the emergence of conflict within an urban centre.

This article reviews "Collective Bargaining in the Essential and Public Service Sectors" by Morley Gunderson.

Contents: Chapter 4, Militancy in the Canadian Civil Service, 1918-1920 -- Chapter 5, The Response to Classification and Reorganization -- Chapter 6, The Ascendancy of the "Service Ethic." [Only these chapters are available from the website.]

If the labour movement is strong, this may not only simultaneously make for more effective participation at the National plant levels, but also via pressure on the State, to very much limit the role of the multi-national corporations.

This article reviews "Participation et négociation collective" by Laurent Bélanger, Jean Boivin and Gilles Dussault, under the direction of Alain Laroque.

Edited transcript of a conversation between a Halifax dockworker and a Dartmouth construction worker. The conversation was recorded in 1975 for a study of Nova Scotian language use. Recent writings in labour history, such as Irving Abella's Nationalism, Communism, and Canadian Labour (1973), are discussed by the two workers, revealing a knowledge of labour history outside of the academic sphere. Provides insight into how workers view and discuss Canadian labour history.

Examines the connections between the Socialist Party of Canada and the labour movement in the West. Worker unrest and dedicated party members led to the temporary success of the Socialist Party in Canada. The author analyzes how the Party affected the events of spring 1919, including secessions from the Trades and Labour Congress, the establishment of the One Big Union, and a strike wave.