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In the years following World War II, the Newfoundland fishing economy was transformed from a predominantly inshore, household-based, saltfish-producing enterprise into an industrialized economy dominated by vertically-integrated frozen fish companies. The state played a critical role in fostering this transformation, and one aspect of its involvement was the creation of a "modern" fisheries workforce. Although women's labour had historically been an integral part of the inshore fishery, state planners assumed that women would withdraw from direct involvement in economic activities. Indeed, the male bread-winner model, the dominant gender ideology of western culture (but not of Newfoundland outport culture at the time), was embedded in state economic policies for the Newfoundland fishery in the post-World War II period. Training men to become more efficient, technologically-trained harvesters and offshore trawler workers became central concerns. Although the attempts to recruit young men as trawler crews were not entirely successful, this and the other examples of the government's mediating role helps illustrate the complexity of economy, state and gender ideology, all involved in the construction of a new fisheries workforce.

The article reviews the book, "Farewell to the Factory: Auto Workers in the Late Twentieth Century," by Ruth Milkman.

The article reviews the book, "Love in the Time of Victoria: Sexuality and Desire Among Working-Class Men and Women in Nineteenth-Century London," by Francoise Barrel-Ducrocq.

This paper examines the relationship between new forms of work organization and worker empowerment from the perspective of workers. The data is drawn from a survey of 5,635 Canadian automobile workers. Workers were asked questions about their work-load, health and safety conditions, empowerment, and relations with management. It examines what it is like to work in plants organized according to the principles of lean production and compares empowerment in lean plants and traditionally organized plants.

There was an electric feeling in the air as hundreds of people gathered to honour the strikers and pay tribute to the three miners killed in [Estevan] on Black Tuesday. A Highland Pipe band played while the crowd visited, ate hot dogs and were entertained by a Miners' Choir formed especially for the occasion. The crowd was receptive to all speakers, but saved its loudest applause for [Pete Gemby].

The MWUC was an affiliate of the revolutionary Workers Unity League (WUL) which promoted the class struggle. On August 25, 1931 James Sloan, president of the MWUC, arrived in [Estevan] and organized a meeting. Practically every miner in the field showed up. After a rousing speech on the miners' plight and the objectives of the MWUC [Mine Workers' Union of Canada], more than 600 miners signed up. Government officials and the coal owners saw the danger in these demands and attempted to reduce the threat by bringing more RCMP into the area. When negotiations commenced on October 19, L. Maurice, MWUC vice - president, who had travelled from Calgary to act as an advisor to the miners, was expelled from the meeting. Although the coal owners refused to recognize the MWUC, they did agree to recognize the pit committees and granted a number of other demands for better working conditions and wages. The Saskatchewan Federation of Labour is commemorating the 1931 strike and riot in order to honour these miners and educate the public about our labour history. The public event will take place at the miners' coal car by the Court House in downtown Estevan on May 10, 1997.

English/French abstracts of articles published in the issue.

English/French abstracts of articles published in the issue.

List of recent publications by the Committee.

The article reviews the book, "The Transformation of Italian Communism," by Leonard Weinberg.

The article reviews the book, "Cold War Canada: The Making of a National Insecurity State, 1945-1957," by Reg Whitaker and Gary Marcuse.

In [this book], experts on foreign domestic workers and workers-turned-activists document how the Canadian system has institutionalized unequal treatment of citizen and non-citizen workers. Since the 1940s, rights of citizenship for immigrant domestic workers in Canada have declined while the number of women recruited from Third World countries to work in Canadian homes has dramatically increased. The analysis...is both theoretical and practical, framing ideologies of privacy, maternalism, familialism, and rights, as well as examining government policy, labour organizing, and strategies to resist exploitation. --Publisher's description. Contents: Introduction / Abigail B. Bakan and Daiva Stasiulis -- Foreign domestic worker policy in Canada and the social boundaries of modern citizenship / Abigail B. Bakan and Daiva Stasiulis -- From mothers of the nation to migrant workers / Sedef Arat-Koc -- An affair between nations: international relations and the movement of household service workers / Patricia M. Daenzer -- Little victories and big defeats : the rise and fall of collective bargaining rights for domestic workers in Ontario / Judy Fudge -- The work at home is not recognized: organizing domestic workers in Montreal / Miriam Elvir -- We can still fight back: organizing domestic workers in Toronto / Pura M. Velasco.

The article reviews the book, "Prince of the People: The Life and Times of a Brazilian Free Man of Colour," by Eduardo Silva.

The article reviews the book, "A Dreamer's Paradise Lost: Louis C. Fraina/Lewis Corey (1892-1953) and the Decline of Radicalism in the United States," by Paul M. Buhle.

Les migrations des mouleurs originaires des Forges du Saint-Maurice doivent être situées dans un marché du travail continental segmenté par les développements sectoriel et géographique de l'industrie, et par l'évolution du syndicalisme. Le déclin du secteur des haut fourneaux et l'essor concomitant des fonderies urbaines, amènent ces ouvriers à Montréal et dans d'autres villes du Québec. Attirés par des conditions de travail suprérieures, les mouleurs se rapprochent aussi graduellement du centre géographique de l'industrie: c'est-à-dire les villes du sud de l'Ontario et du nord-est des États-Unis. La filière migratoire communautaire constitue un instrument important pour leurs déplacements. Mais plusieurs mouleurs adhèrent également à l'Union internationale des mouleurs, et utilisent la filière migratoire syndicale, afin de pénétrer la portion du marché du travail contrôlée par cette organisation. Ces types demouvements témoignent des contraintes, mais aussi de l'ingéniosité des ouvriers dans un contexte de transformations socioéconomiques importantes. // The migrations of the moulders coming from the St. Maurice Forges must be situated in a context of labour market segmentation under the dual pressure of the industry's growth and geographical expansion, and the development of unionism. Because of the blast furnaces decline and the concomitant blossoming of urban foundries, these workers went to Montréal and other Québec cities. They also gradually moved to the industry's geographical center, attracted by better working conditions: the cities of south Ontario and the north-east of the United States. The community migratory network was an important tool for their travels. But many moulders also joined the Iron Moulders International Union, and used the union's migratory network, to get into the section of the labour market under the organization's control. These types of movements reveal the constraints, but also the ingenuity of workers, in a context of important socio-economical transformations.