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The article reviews the book, "Êtes-vous qualifi é pour servir?," by Sylvie Monchatre.

La puissance et le pouvoir sont des notions fondamentales pour l'étude de la négociation collective. Bien qu'ayant été au coeur des travaux fondateurs des relations industrielles de part et d'autre de l'Atlantique, leur traitement demeure pourtant insatisfaisant. Il convient donc de proposer une conceptualisation spécifi que et nuancée de celles-ci, permettant le cumul des acquis de connaissance afi n, notamment, de mieux comprendre les aff rontements entre employeurs et syndicats ainsi que l'équilibre au sein des régimes de rapports collectifs du travail. Pour ce faire, l'auteur propose une synthèse des travaux antérieurs intégrant certaines contributions majeures du champ de la sociologie politique. La puissance et le pouvoir, notions correspondant à une capacité et son actualisation, y sont envisagés du point de vue de la dépendance qu'entretiennent les parties à la négociation collective ainsi que des ressources et de la capacité stratégique de ces dernières.

Universities across Canada are increasingly using contingent, or temporary instructors to teach undergraduate courses (Rajagopal 2002, Muzzin 2008, Lin 2006). Scholars have examined the marginalization of contingent academic faculty members in Canadian universities (Rajagopal 2002, Muzzin 2008). They have also critiqued the ways in which universities use contingent faculty to create surplus value and surplus labour (Rajagopal 2002, Bauder 2006), and support a “primary segment” (Bauder 2006) of the tenured and tenure-track professoriate. In this thesis, I examine the key issues faced by contingent academic faculty members, and how these issues impact on their professional identity. I also investigate into how the use of contingent faculty impacts on teaching practices in higher education. Through the analysis of Labour Force Survey data, I ascertain to what extent contingent academic labour has increased from 1998 to 2008, suggesting that full-time temporary labour is on the rise. I then analyze data gathered from twelve interviews with contingent academic faculty members at Quebec universities to explore how their working conditions and experiences have impacted on their professional identity and perceived quality of instruction. I suggest that professional identity among contingent faculty members is not as static as suggested by Rajagopal (2002) or Gappa and Leslie (1993) Using David Harvey’s (2005) concept of neoliberalism and Ulrich Beck’s (1992) concept of the flexibilization of labour under risk society, I situate the flexibilization of academic labour within the neoliberalization of the university, and also point to linkages between contingent academic labour and the commodification of higher education.

The article reviews the book, "Seated by the Sea: The Maritime History of Portland, Maine, and Its Irish Longshoremen," by Michael C. Connolly.

The article reviews the book, "Live Wire: Women and Brotherhood in the Electrical Industry," by Francine A. Moccio.

[This report] draws on 2006 Census data to compare work and income trends among racialized and non-racialized Canadians. It’s among the more comprehensive post-Census studies on this issue to date. This joint report from the Wellesley Institute and the Canadian Centre for Policy Alternatives reveals that despite an increasingly diverse population, Canada’s racialized income gap shows a colour code is still at work in Canada’s labour market. --Publisher's information

Drawing on a collection of interviews with Canadian feminists, this thesis explores the emergence of a ‘second wave’ of feminist organizing in Canada from 1965 to 1975. Using insights from poststructural feminism and critical race theory, I deconstruct the notion of ‘hegemonic feminism’ and examine how certain women came to inhabit a position of hegemony during the movement’s early years. I focus on key events in feminist organizing during the 1960s-1970s: The Royal Commission on the Status of Women and the founding of the National Action Committee on the Status of Women. Drawing on oral history interviews and a close reading of the report on the RCSW, I suggest that more nuanced approaches are needed to move beyond the binary thinking that inflects accounts of Canadian feminist history. I conclude with a series of feminist narratives which aim to complicate linear histories and offer an alternative reading of this movement.

On September 29, 1931, almost 400 striking coal miners clashed with local police and the Royal Canadian Mounted Police (RCMP) in the streets of Estevan, Saskatchewan. The battle lasted less than an hour but left three men dead and twenty-three seriously injured. It was Canada's worst day of labor-related violence since "Bloody Saturday" in Winnipeg (June 21, 1919), and before long Estevan's day of infamy became known simply as "Black Tuesday."

Editorial introduction to the themes examined in the issue.

Does Canada have a working-class movement? Though most of us think of ourselves as middle class, most of us are, in fact, part of the working class: we work for wages and are not managers. Although many of us are members of unions - the most significant organizations of the working-class movement in Canada - most people do not understand themselves to be part of this movement. Is the working-class movement a relic of the twentieth-century factory worker, no longer relevant to workers in the twenty-first century? David Camfield argues that, despite its real deficiencies, the movement is as important today as it was a hundred years ago. Drawing on the ideas of union and community activists as well as academic research, David Camfield offers an analysis of the contemporary Canadian working-class movement and how it came to be in its current state. he argues that re-energizing the movement in its current form is not enough - it needs to be reinvented to face the challenges of contemporary capitalism. Considering potential ways forward, Camfield asserts that reforming unions from below and building new workers' organizations offer the best possibilities for effecting real change within the movement. --Publisher's description

The global economic crisis and its effects have changed the context for public sector unions in Canada. There is evidence that an intensified offensive against public sector unions is beginning. Few public sector unions are prepared to respond adequately to such an offensive, as the important 2009 strike by Toronto municipal workers illustrates. In this more difficult context, change within public sector unions is increasingly urgent. The most promising direction for union renewal lies in the praxis of social movement unionism. However, there are very few signs of moves to promote this approach within Canadian public sector unions.

We utilize two representative cross-national data sets to shed light on what has been a vexing problem in the industrial relations literature; namely, the existence and persistence of the representation gap documented more than a decade ago by Freeman and Rogers (1999). Specifically, we estimate the determinants of employee desire for a range of collective voice mechanisms, including unionization. We do this separately for the US and Canada and then, using an application of the Oaxaca decomposition technique, we decompose the differences in those desires between the two countries into a component due to differences in the characteristics of respondents and another due to differences in preferences for collective voice mechanisms. Our results indicate that: (1) roughly half of workers in both countries expressed a desire for a range of collective voice mechanisms to deal with workplace issues; (2) that desire for collective voice was stronger in the US than in Canada; and (3) that virtually all of the stronger desire for collective workplace voice in the US, as compared to Canada, was due to stronger employee preferences for collective solutions as opposed to differences in the characteristics of workers. We offer plausible explanations for our findings and discuss the implications for labour law reform.

This paper draws on research on the emergence of the Chinese Medical Doctor Association (CMDA) in recent years, by examining interview and documentary evidence from this organization and two case study hospitals in China. With reference to mobilization theory, the research investigates whether the CMDA has developed sufficient power to effectively represent and defend members' interests. The paper reviews the increasing presence of the CMDA in doctors' professional training and education, self-discipline and ethical issues. The findings show that at present the CMDA has not become an independent Dunlop-type union organization or a new industrial relations actor. Nevertheless, the CMDA may be able to help doctors to develop their social capital and group identity, and in the future the CMDA may become more powerful in representing Chinese doctors.

The article reviews the book, "When the Other Is Me: Native Resistance Discourse, 1850-1990," by Emma LaRocque.

Les résultats d’une étude menée auprès de 390 employés, obtenus à l’aide de la méthode des équations structurelles, mettent en lumière une influence positive de l’habilitation du supérieur sur la performance adaptative des subordonnés. Les résultats montrent également que la perception d’un soutien de la direction favorise la réussite de l’habilitation du supérieur, en agissant comme une ressource émotionnelle valorisée par les employés dans leur stratégie d’adaptation.Si les recherches antérieures ont généralement focalisé leur attention sur les antécédents individuels de la performance adaptative, l’étude de l’influence des pratiques managériales sur ce type de performance est en revanche délaissée. Dans cette perspective, l’objectif de cet article est d’explorer l’effet de l’habilitation du supérieur (managerial empowerment) sur la performance adaptative au travail, processus visant à accroître l’étendue du pouvoir des individus et leurs capacités à contrôler leur travail. Les cas d’échec des pratiques d’habilitation nous conduisent également à étudier les conditions sous lesquelles ces pratiques peuvent faciliter le développement de la performance adaptative.Face à la complexification des situations de travail, la capacité des employés à apprendre de nouvelles compétences, à interagir avec divers acteurs et à s’adapter à de nouveaux contextes est devenue essentielle pour la compétitivité des entreprises. Ces comportements au travail, regroupés sous le nom de performance adaptative, sont désormais considérés comme un facteur crucial pour permettre aux organisations d’atteindre leurs objectifs dans un environnement marqué par le changement continu, la complexité et l’incertitude. Ce construit est encore peu étudié.

The article reviews the book, "Migrants for Export: How the Philippine State Brokers Labor to the World," by Robyn Magalit Rodriguez.

The article reviews the book, "Militant Women of a Fragile Nation," by Malek Abisaab.

Que ce soit au Québec, au Canada ou ailleurs dans d'autres pays de l'OCDE, les femmes sont désormais très présentes sur le marché du travail même lorsqu'elles ont des enfants en bas âge. Toutefois, les données révèlent qu'il existe encore des différences notables entre les genres en ce qui a trait aux conditions d'emploi et de travail. Afin de jeter un nouveau regard sur les inégalités professionnelles entre les sexes, une analyse quantitative de l'évolution de qualité de l'emploi au Québec a été réalisée en fonction de deux paramètres importants de différenciation de genres relevés dans les recherches: le degré de scolarité et la situation familiale. Le concept de qualité de l'emploi utilisé ici tient compte de quatre dimensions fondamentales, soit la rémunération, les heures de travail, la qualifi cation et la stabilité. Dans cet article, une nouvelle typologie de la qualité de l'emploi en 12 groupes est utilisée afin de faire ressortir adéquatement les différentes formes d'intégration au marché du travail. L'analyse des résultats, qui portent sur la période 1997-2007, montre qu'il y a eu une amélioration de la qualité de l'emploi des femmes, peu importe leur scolarité et leur situation familiale, et que cela s'est traduit par une réduction de l'écart avec les hommes. Toutefois, ces réductions ont été très prononcées dans le cas des personnes n'ayant pas de responsabilités familiales (baisses se situant entre 33 % et 44 %) mais sont demeurées beaucoup plus limitées pour les personnes ayant des enfants en bas âge (baisses se situant entre 14 % et 15 %). Plus particulièrement, les femmes disposant d'un fort capital humain (formation universitaire) et n'ayant pas de charge familiale ont nettement amélioré leur situation par rapport à leurs homologues masculins, contrairement à celles ayant d'importantes responsabilités familiales et détenant le même niveau de scolarité.

Nursing is a high risk profession for injury. A Canadian survey reports many nurses are in poor physical and emotional health; they sustain more musculoskeletal and violence related injuries than other occupational groups. In Ontario, an injury management approach called Early Return to Work (RTW) requires injured workers, including nurses, to go back to work before full recovery. The Workplace Safety and Insurance Board cite this approach as beneficial to both the employer and employee. This study uses an institutional ethnographic approach to examine critically the RTW process from the standpoint of injured registered nurses. Through interviews and mapping activities with nurses, other health professionals and managers, a rendering of the social organization of hospital injury management emerges. The findings suggest that the implementation of RTW is complicated and difficult for nurses, their families and hospital employers. Injured nurses engage in significant amounts of domestic, rehabilitation and accommodation work in order to participate in the RTW process. When the returning nurse is unable to engage in full duties hospital operations become disorganized. Collective agreements and human resources procedures limit the participation of injured nurses in creative and/or new roles that could utilize their knowledge and skills. As a result, nurses are assigned to duties, which hamper them from returning to their pre-injury positions and cause their employment with the hospital to be reconsidered. The unsuccessful return of injured nurses to employment is counter to provincial retention initiatives, which seek to sustain an adequate cadre of nurses ready and able to care for the increasing health care needs of an aging population. Sites of change which could support and promote the successful return of these injured workers to nursing work are identified in this study.

En 2001, 2007 et 2011, les juges de la Cour suprême du Canada ont reconnu par une série d’arrêts le droit à la négociation collective comme un droit dérivé de la liberté d’association, liberté constitutionnelle prévue à la Charte canadienne des droits et libertés. Ces arrêts sont venus souffler un vent d’espoir pour les travailleurs précaires souvent tenus à l’écart des mécanismes de représentation et de négociation collective de leurs conditions de travail par un syndicat.Cet article analyse comment la législation et même l’action collective, jadis pilier du développement de la représentation collective, ont pu constituer des obstacles au développement de la représentation collective des travailleurs précaires. Ensuite, il examine comment aujourd’hui la Cour suprême favorise l’accès à la représentation collective de certains travailleurs « précaires » en reconnaissant la spécificité du travailleur, du travailleur précaire et en accordant une plus vaste portée à la garantie constitutionnelle de la liberté d’association. Puis, l’article analyse les retombées de ces développements sur la scène judiciaire québécoise à l’égard des responsables d’un service de garde et des travailleurs migrants agricoles, avant de discuter de la place du pouvoir judiciaire dans cette évolution. Nos travaux démontrent qu’aujourd’hui les tribunaux semblent avoir pris le relais du législateur et fournissent un terreau fertile pour l’épanouissement de la représentation collective des précaires.