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The first of three papers helps resolve the substantial debate about the impact of Honda v. Keays, a 2008 Supreme Court of Canada decision modifying the principles for compensating employees for improper employer conduct during dismissal (called “moral damages”). I performed content analysis on all relevant Canadian cases in the four years after Honda and an equivalent period before Honda and then used a tobit model to test legal scholars’ and lawyers’ predictions. I find that moral damages are less probable after Honda. Furthermore, the size of awards is smaller in those cases where moral damages are granted, partly because certain levels of employer misconduct now produce lower damages. However, I also find that, since Honda, high levels of mental distress are compensated more richly. The second paper is motivated by the absence of recent studies that investigate delay in grievance arbitration, despite increasing concerns being voiced about the issue. I performed content analysis on a random sample of about 400 Ontario arbitration awards, and then used a proportional hazards model to examine the extent of delay and its determinants. Consistent with common perception, the results suggest that delay has become a worse problem over the past two decades. I find that certain legalistic factors and the expanded jurisdiction of arbitrators over specific types of issues are associated with delay. The results also show that certain dispute resolution procedures are related to decreased delay, and this suggests some practical solutions. Prompted by a recent series of Supreme Court of Canada (SCC) decisions on freedom of association (FOA) in the labour context, the third paper critically examines the Canadian jurisprudence. The state of this law in Canada has been roundly criticized by various prominent labour law academics. This paper relies on Sheldon Leader’s theory of FOA to argue that the SCC should have interpreted s. 2(d) of the Charter as protecting collective bargaining and striking as independent rights, rather than as rights necessary for the realization of the FOA. Having done so would have yielded jurisprudence that was more consistent and coherent.

The article reviews the book, "The New Left, National Identity, and the Break-up of Britain," by Wade Matthews.

Stress, conflits, surcharge, pression et contrôle, mais aussi gain de temps, motivation, accessibilité… sont autant de mots souvent prononcés à l’évocation de la messagerie électronique, tout particulièrement lorsqu’elle est associée aux relations hiérarchiques. Bien que les chercheurs et praticiens reconnaissent les effets du média sur la relation hiérarchique, la recherche académique peine à expliquer la nature de leur relation ainsi que les variables explicatives de cette même relation. Visant à répondre à ces questions, la problématique centrale de notre étude consiste à examiner la relation entre l’utilisation de la messagerie électronique et la qualité de la relation hiérarchique en mettant l’accent sur trois variables médiatrices : la reconnaissance, le contrôle et l’accessibilité. L’étude empirique a été réalisée au sein d’une banque de réseau française. Une étude qualitative exploratoire a contribué à la construction d’échelles de mesure utilisées ensuite dans un dispositif de recherche quantitatif : 478 questionnaires valides ont permis une analyse du modèle par la méthode des équations structurelles. Les résultats révèlent que l’intensité perçue d’utilisation du média est liée positivement à la qualité de la relation hiérarchique lorsque la relation est considérée isolément des variables médiatrices. En revanche, lorsque nous traitons le modèle dans son ensemble — en introduisant les variables médiatrices de reconnaissance, contrôle et accessibilité — la relation directe entre utilisation de la messagerie électronique et qualité de la relation hiérarchique n’est plus validée. La reconnaissance et le contrôle sont des mécanismes explicatifs de cette relation, tandis que l’accessibilité n’explique que partiellement la relation entre messagerie électronique et qualité de la relation hiérarchique. Outre les apports méthodologiques que procure la construction du modèle et celle des échelles de mesure, la présente recherche vise à fournir des pistes pour une amélioration des pratiques de communication électronique au sein de la dyade supérieur hiérarchique/subordonné.

À partir des enquêtes Emploi en continu (2005-2012) de l’INSEE, cet article analyse les appariements via les trois principaux canaux sur le marché du travail français : 1-candidatures spontanées; 2- réseaux; et 3- intermédiaires publics. Il étudie le mode d’accès à l’emploi des individus recrutés chaque trimestre, en tenant compte des canaux effectivement activés par ces individus lors de leur recherche d’emploi. En prenant appui sur le cadre théorique de l’économie des conventions, cet article soutient l’hypothèse que les trois canaux mènent à des appariements différents, car ils ne véhiculent pas le même type d’information sur les candidats, le format de l’information pouvant être écrit, raconté ou standardisé. Les candidatures spontanées arrivent sans médiation, ce qui engendre une forte incertitude sur la qualité des candidats. S’ils ont déjà travaillé dans l’entreprise ou qu’ils sont déjà en emploi et non chômeurs, ils ont davantage de chances d’avoir été recrutés via ce canal, plutôt que d’une autre façon. Ce canal valorise également les personnes qui publient une annonce, faisant connaître leurs compétences par le biais de ce support. Par ailleurs, l’information qui circule de proche en proche par les réseaux de relations épouse le format du récit, plutôt que celui, écrit, du CV. Les personnes étrangères ou françaises par acquisition trouvent plus souvent par ce canal que par un autre; il en va de même des personnes dont l’entourage immédiat est en emploi. À la différence des deux autres canaux, l’institution publique conduit vers l’emploi des personnes sans lien antérieur avec l’entreprise qui les embauche et est surtout utile aux inactifs et aux chômeurs. Les personnes embauchées via ce canal ont, davantage que les autres, répondu à une annonce, ce qui illustre une certaine standardisation des candidatures réalisée par l’intermédiaire public, standardisation qui paraît peu favorable aux étrangers ou aux Français par acquisition. Lorsque le taux de chômage régional augmente, la probabilité d’avoir trouvé son emploi par candidature spontanée, après avoir démarché ainsi, augmente; en revanche, cette probabilité diminue pour les deux autres canaux.

This dissertation responds to the question of why people who immigrate to Ontario, Canada frequently choose to use their personal names in altered forms. Between May and December 2010, I engaged in semi-structured interviews with twenty-three people who, while living in Ontario, experienced name challenges ranging from persistent, repetitive misspellings and mispronunciations of their original names to cases of significant name alterations on residency documents, and even to situations of exclusion and discrimination. Drawing on critical perspectives from literature on identity and performativity, science and technology studies, race and immigration, affect, and onomastics (the study of names), I establish that name challenges are a form of "identity labour" required of many people who immigrate to Ontario. I also describe how individuals' identity labour changes over time. In response to name challenges, and the need to balance between their sometimes-simultaneous audiences, participants design their names for life in Ontario--by deciding which audiences to privilege, they choose where they want to belong, and how their names should be.

An account of the women working in high-security, dangerous conditions making bombs in Toronto during the Second World War. What was it like to work in a Canadian Second World War munitions factory? What were working conditions like? Did anyone die? Just how closely did female employees embody the image of “Rosie the Riveter” so popularly advertised to promote factory work in war propaganda posters? How closely does the recent TV show, Bomb Girls, resemble the actual historical record of the day-to-day lives of bomb-making employees? Bomb Girls delivers a dramatic, personal, and detailed review of Canada’s largest fuse-filling munitions factory, situated in Scarborough, Ontario. First-hand accounts, technical records, photographic evidence, business documentation, and site maps all come together to offer a rare, complete account into the lives of over twenty-one thousand brave men and women who risked their lives daily while handling high explosives in a dedicated effort to help win the war. -- Publisher's description

The aim of this article is to investigate the sustainability agenda and its implications for employment and managerial practices within different institutional contexts. The article uses the comparative capitalisms literature and, in particular, the Varieties of Capitalism framework to examine how multinational corporations (MNCs) can exploit different institutional contexts to achieve competitive advantages. We explore one multinational steel company’s i.e. SteelCo.AG varied responses to the emerging constraints of the sustainability agenda in Germany, as an example of a Coordinated Market Economy, and Brazil, as an example of a Hierarchical Market Economy. In particular, we focus on evidence concerning training, environmental practices and policies in the different company sites. We demonstrate how different institutional contexts favour different corporate strategies from an approach that exploits negative institutional complementarities, such as the “low-skill/low-cost trap,” to one that benefits from strong institutional coherence facilitating skills formation and innovation in response to environ-mental legislation. Our analysis argues for the importance of incorporating the green agenda as a marker of difference into the existing VoC framework. This allows for nuanced readings of unstable institutional complementarities in terms of operational, managerial and social innovation in different institutional contexts – with such analyses essential for understanding workers’ experiences of employment and work. Our contribution to the extant literature on the employment relationship, within the context of VoC analysis, therefore offers empirical material on understandings of employment relations within the HME category, as a new type within the VoC framework, through our discussion of a multinational’s activities in Brazil. This also allows us to focus on the way companies and other actors’ impact upon institutional frameworks and the distribution of power between different actors within particular contexts, thereby addressing recent discussions of the stability and homogeneity of institutional arrangements.

Climate change will dramatically affect labor markets, but labor law scholars have mostly ignored it. Environmental law scholars are concerned with climate change, but they lack expertise in the complexities of regulating the labor relationship. Neither legal field is equipped to deal adequately with the challenge of governing the effects of climate change on labor markets, employers, and workers. This essay argues that a legal field organized around the concept of a ‘just transition’ to a lower carbon economy could bring together environmental law, labor law, and environment justice scholars in interesting and valuable ways. “Just transitions” is a concept originally developed by the North American labor movement, but has since been endorsed by important global institutions including the International Labour Organization and the U.N. Environmental Program. However, the prescriptions that would guide a policy of just transition have been under-explored in the legal literature. This paper marks an important early contribution to this challenge. It explores the factual and normative boundaries of a legal field called Just Transitions Law and questions whether such a field would offer any new, valuable insights into the challenge of regulating a response to climate change.

This paper examines how two trade union organisations in Quebec (Canada) manage to integrate issues of concern to young members (30 years old and under) and spur changes in their agenda, structures and practices. Between 2009 and 2014, 25 interviews were conducted in these two organisations, while 41 focus group discussions were held with more than 430 members. We contend that improving young members' feeling of belonging to the union, enhancing internal network density and implementing more participatory forms of democracy are key elements when it comes to increasing their participation. Our findings reveal that unions must dare to integrate young members, without seeking to mould them to fit with the values and practices they deem to be outdated. It means not only training young members to carry the necessary message to their peers but also allowing them to challenge the strategic orientations suggested therein.

The article reviews the book, "The Future of the International Labour Organization in the Global Economy," by Francis Maupain.

Cette recherche dresse un portrait de la situation de la relève syndicale au Québec et des tentatives des organisations syndicales pour stimuler la participation de leurs membres de moins de 30 ans. Elle brosse d’abord un aperçu des habitudes sociales, des valeurs et des caractéristiques en emploi des jeunes. Elle nuance et recadre ensuite la problématique des jeunes en ce qui concerne l’identité collective qu’ils partagent instinctivement et les modalités de socialisation à l’interne façonnant leur participation. Cette recherche remet en question la fenêtre de recrutement estimée où les jeunes seraient en mesure d’entâmer leur participation dans les structures syndicales. Au demeurant, elle décrit l’ampleur des innovations syndicales destinées à stimuler la participation des jeunes et démystifie le mandat de l’une d’elle, les comités jeunes, qui peuvent agir à la fois comme porte-parole de leur organisation, comme la voix des jeunes membres et comme pépinière de la relève syndicale. Les données empiriques utilisées pour ce mémoire proviennent d’une vingtaine de groupes de discussion et de huit entretiens semi-dirigés (n=228), tenus dans deux organisations syndicales d’importance au Québec, disposant d’un comité jeunes et organisés par les chercheures d’un projet de recherche plus vaste sur la participation syndicale des jeunes. Nos résultats démontrent en premier lieu une identité collective construite autour de la précarité et des injustices perçues par les nouveaux travailleurs. L’âge ne serait pas significatif dans la construction de l’identité des jeunes qui semblent en phase de conquérir leur identité. En second lieu, le cadre strict de plusieurs modalités de socialisation avait un effet inhibiteur sur la participation, favorisait des relations d’échanges instrumentales et ne tenait pas compte de la sensibilité de cette nouvelle génération pour les interactions réciproques avec leurs représentants syndicaux. Nous avons aussi observé une utilisation limitée des nouvelles technologies, qui présentent des potentialités intéressantes en matière de transfert des connaissances de surcroît. Par ailleurs, nos résultats à l’égard de l’identité collective observée et de la durée du processus de socialisation soulèvent des questionnements sur la pertinence même des structures jeunes dans leurs paramètres actuels. Le parcours d’un jeune vers la militance syndicale apparaît plus tardif qu’escompté. Plus encore, la problématique jeunes met en lumière les tensions intrinsèques au mouvement syndical quant à la libre négociation sociale des intérêts défendus et du consensus interne nécessaire à leur légitimité.

The article reviews the book, "The Death and Life of American Labor: Toward a New Workers' Movement," by Stanley Aronowitz.

In 1919, the Canadian state enacted a law that criminalized the advocacy of radical politics. Section 98, as it became, was broad in its terminology, and carried a maximum punishment of twenty years imprisonment. In 1931, the state utilized the law against eight leaders of the Communist Party of Canada in an attempt to declare the organization to be illegal in Canada. The party, however, did not crumble under pressure. At trial, the accused were able to use the courtroom as a forum to protest the legality of the law; after the leaders were convicted, the party campaigned tirelessly for the release of their comrades, and for the repeal of Section 98. The party was successfully able to use its repression to forward its political agenda. This thesis explores how the party navigated Canada’s legal system in order to realize its political goals.

Why are US labor unions so weak? Union decline has had important consequences for politics, inequality, and social policy. Common explanations cite employment shifts, public opinion, labor laws, and differences in working class culture and organization. But comparing the United States with Canada challenges those explanations. After following US unionization rates for decades, Canadian rates diverged in the 1960s, and are now nearly three times higher. This divergence was due to different processes of working class political incorporation. In the United States, labor was incorporated as an interest group into a labor regime governed by a pluralist idea. In Canada, labor was incorporated as a class representative into a labor regime governed by a class idea. This led to a relatively stronger Canadian labor regime that better held employers in check and protected workers’ collective bargaining rights. As a result, union density stabilized in Canada while plummeting in the United States.

As has been the case in the U.S., the level of inequality in Canada has been on the rise since the 1980s, though at a slower rate. In new research, Barry Eidlin explores the reasons behind this divergence. He argues that one major factor which has received little attention is the power of Canada’s unions. He writes that because unions have been able to keep their role and legitimacy as defenders of working class interests, they have largely retained their power. He argues that in order to address inequality, we need to talk more about the growing divide between the wealthy and the working class, and the role that unions can play in decreasing that divide.

This article reviews the book, "Rebel Youth: 1960s Labour Unrest, Young Workers, and New Leftists in English Canada," by Ian Milligan.

[E]xplores the dynamic political movement that came out of the largest labour protest in Canadian history and the ramifications for Winnipeg throughout the 1920s and 1930s. Few have studied the political Left at the municipal level—even though it is at this grassroots level that many people participate in political activity. Winnipeg was a deeply divided city. On one side, the conservative political descendants of the General Strike’s Citizen’s Committee of 1000 advocated for minimal government and low taxes. On the other side were the Independent Labour Party and the Communist Party of Canada, two parties rooted in the city’s working class, though often in conflict with each other. The political strength of the Left would ebb and flow throughout the 1920s and 1930s but peaked in the mid-1930s when the ILP’s John Queen became mayor and the two parties on the Left combined to hold a majority of council seats. Astonishingly, Winnipeg was governed by a mayor who had served jail time for his role in the General Strike. --Publisher's description. Contents: Introduction -- The second round --The reign of the furies -- The revolutionary party on the parliamentary map -- A victory for thoseengage in the struggle for better conditions -- For freedom's cause, your bayonet's bright -- A bombshell to many citizens -- Conclusion.

This paper offers some predictions about the impact of the Supreme Court of Canada's landmark ruling in Saskatchewan Federation of Labour on the numerous limitations on the right to strike currently in effect in every Canadian jurisdiction. In the Saskatchewan Federation of Labour case the Court - strongly affirming its earlier decision in B.C. Health, in which it held that freedom of association under section 2(d) of the Charter encompasses the right to a "meaningful process of collective bargaining," and that "substantial interference" with that right will give rise to an infringement - declared that the right to strike is an essential component of a meaningful process of collect- ive bargaining, and as such is protected under the Charter. The author (who points out that this is not his first attempt at "reading constitutional tea leaves ") expresses surprise at the breadth of the majority's interpretation of what will constitute "substantial interference," as it is likely to result in many of the exist- ing schemes for regulation of strikes in essential services being held to violate section 2(d) and therefore to require justification under section 1 as a reason- able limit. Equally surprising, in the author's view, is the Court's section 1 analysis itself which suggests that the Court is prepared to undertake a detailed, searching review of "controlled strike" and "no-strike" schemes for designation of essential services and essential employees and the adequacy of any alterna- tive dispute resolution mechanism provided under such schemes as a substitute for the right to strike. Based on the Court's reasons in Saskatchewan Federation of Labour, the author posits that numerous Charter challenges can be expected in the coming years against legislated restrictions on collective bargaining and strike activity, including the ad hoc "instant" back-to-work model to which the federal government has repeatedly resorted. Nevertheless, he cautions, given the considerable uneveness of the jurisprudential road which led from B.C. Health to Saskatchewan Federation of Labour, one should be wary of trying to predict the course of the Supreme Court's pronouncements.