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Full bibliography 12,880 resources
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In both academic and practitioner communities, there is an increased concern related to the time-consuming nature of the traditional labour arbitration system in Canada. The arbitration process was initially instituted to combat the delays and costs experienced in the courts. This study addresses the gap in the scientific literature by considering these ongoing concerns. Many Canadian jurisdictions offer the parties an opportunity to expedite the arbitration process pursuant to applicable legislation. However, despite the opportunity to accelerate the process, there appears to be a reluctance to use the expedited arbitration system. We performed content analysis on over 550 Canadian expedited and traditional labour arbitration cases. The case sample was limited to termination cases. We studied and compared delay at multiple times during the arbitration process, including the delay to the hearing, delay to the arbitration award, and total delay. Furthermore, we studied the case outcome; specifically, whether the grievance was granted or denied and adopted an ordered analysis to investigate differences in case outcomes. Our results support the perception that there is a difference in the expediency of expedited arbitration cases in comparison with traditional arbitration cases. The results also show that the outcomes of dismissal cases, decided in the expedited system, do not significantly differ from the traditional arbitration system. The findings suggest that there are statutorily available opportunities for the parties to accelerate the arbitration process without compromising the results.
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The article reviews the book, "The Struggle for Development," by Benjamin Selwyn.
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This article reviews the book, "Knights Across the Atlantic: The Knights of Labor in Britain and Ireland" by Steven Parfitt.
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The article reviews the book, "A Century of Transnationalism: Immigrants and their Homeland Connections," edited by Nancy L. Green and Roger Waldinger.
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L’article porte sur les pratiques mises en oeuvre pour prévenir les risques psychosociaux (RPS) dans les entreprises. Selon les connaissances scientifiques actuelles, réduire ces risques requiert une approche intégrée qui vise à développer les ressources collectives et individuelles des travailleurs, ainsi qu’à réduire leurs contraintes professionnelles. Toutefois très peu de publications ont porté sur la façon dont les employeurs appréhendent effectivement ces questions. L’objectif de cette étude est de mieux comprendre les pratiques de prévention déclarées par des dirigeants d’entreprises, en relation avec la manière dont ils perçoivent l’exposition de leur personnel aux RPS. Nous avons élaboré un cadre d’analyse exploratoire des relations entre la prévention des RPS, la perception des facteurs de risques par les employeurs et diverses caractéristiques des entreprises. Ce cadre a servi de base à une enquête auprès de 404 établissements. À partir d’analyses factorielles et de régressions multiples, l’étude a fait émerger deux modes de prévention : 1- des mesures de gestion spécifique des RPS axées sur les procédures et la formation et liées principalement au risque d’atteinte à l’intégrité personnelle (harcèlement, agressions, discrimination, confrontation à des événements traumatisants) ; et 2- des mesures d’amélioration générale des conditions de travail (organisation, horaires, équipements et environnement de travail) qui peuvent contribuer à renforcer les ressources, mais que les employeurs ne perçoivent guère comme de la prévention des RPS. Les pratiques sont liées à des variables structurelles, ainsi qu’aux modes de participation et de gestion des risques professionnels dans leur ensemble, davantage qu’à la perception de l’employeur concernant l’exposition aux RPS. Les résultats soulignent deux défis pour les autorités. Le premier consiste à faire adopter par les entreprises une approche plus globale, non centrée sur les phénomènes de harcèlement. Le second réside dans le renforcement de mesures de prévention ayant un impact favorable sur l’activité réelle de travail.
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In this essay I explain both why Karl Marx remains an important thinker and why he is in some respects inadequate. I focus on the central issue of 'materialism vs. idealism,' and briefly explore ways in which contemporary intellectuals still haven't assimilated the insights of historical materialism. In the last section of the paper I examine the greatest weakness of Marxism, its theory of proletarian revolution, and propose an alternative conceptualization that both updates the theory for the twenty-first century and is more faithful to historical materialism than Marx's own conception was.
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The article reviews the book, "Cuban Revolution in America: Havana and the Making of a United States Left, 1968-1992," by Teishan A. Latner.
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Comment analyser la montée de ces nouveaux mouvements de travailleurs que représentent les mobilisations des travailleurs informels et précaires, oů les femmes tiennent une place importante, y compris en termes de leadership ? Les approches traditionnelles en sociologie et en relations industrielles évoquent une montée des identités sociales par rapport aux identités professionnelles, comme s'il s'agissait de la montée d'intérets spécifiques. Â partir d'une redéfinition ontologique du travail qu'ouvre l'approche féministe matérialiste, cet article propose une autre lecture des objets de conflictualité amenés par les mobilisations de travailleuses et de travailleurs informels. Il s'appuie, pour ce faire, sur une étude de cas effectuée dans l'économie solidaire brésilienne et sur le concept d'identité collective de Melucci. Il explore la façon dont ces nouveaux mouvements de travailleurs définissent les processus d'exploitations et de dominations a combattre et la façon dont ils mettent en pratique leurs visions du changement social. Ľarticle met ainsi en lumiére la portée émancipatrice des transformations de leur rapport au travail et souligne, a l'opposé, les réductionnismes qui animent les stratégies syndicales, en particulier quand elles prétendent défendre les droits des travailleurs en développant des coopératives compétitives. Cette approche, qui reconnaît le caractére situé des connaissances, permet de mieux saisir la portée des mobilisations dans l'économie solidaire et le pourquoi des tensions entre syndicats et travailleurs précaires et informels lors des luttes menées par ces derniers.
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The Living Wage for Families Campaign advocates for employers to sign on to pay a living wage to all direct and contract service staff as well as does policy advocacy on issues that impact working families. Since 2008, we have partnered with the Canadian Centre for Policy Alternatives to calculate the living wage in Metro Vancouver. Additionally, we support 20 communities across BC in calculating a local living wage. The living wage is a bare bones calculation that, through a methodology established in consultation with academics, employers, and low-wage workers, determines how much a family needs to earn to meet their expenses in a particular region. Living wages across BC vary from $20.62/hr in the lower mainland to $18.77 in Revelstoke to $15.90 in the Fraser Valley. There is no community in BC that has a living wage that is lower than $15/hr.
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In this submission to the BC Fair Wages Commission, the CCPA-BC highlights the urgency for British Columbia to adopt a $15 minimum wage by March 2019. BC’s current minimum wage is a poverty-level wage. Low-wage workers need a significant boost to their income and they have been waiting a long time. Over 400,000 British Columbians—22 per cent of all paid employees in the province—work for less than $15 per hour and they would significantly benefit from a $15 minimum wage. --Publisher's description
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Since the mid‐1990s, governments have adopted gender mainstreaming (GM) as a strategy for achieving gender equality and improving women's social, economic and political conditions. Yet, studies indicate that GM continues to be unevenly implemented, both within and across countries. To explain this outcome, this paper focuses on the local implementers of GM — the gender focal points — and how they understand GM and interpret it in their everyday work. Drawing upon interviews with gender focal points in the Canadian public service, we explore how bureaucratic role perceptions shape how these local actors understand GM and how they navigate the complex terrain between bureaucratic neutrality and the equality agenda of gender mainstreaming. Our exploratory study shows no common understanding among our interviewees, revealing how the meaning of gender mainstreaming varies depending on whether the public servant views himself or herself as policy analyst, policy advisor or policy advocate. Based on these insights, we conclude with suggestions for future research on gender mainstreaming.
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In the decades after World War II, immigrants generally managed to fit into the Canadian labour market without too many obstacles. Even when they were poorly educated, they found adequate jobs in the secondary sector, particularly in manufacturing. Moreover, if they were initially paid less than the natives, they tended to catch up after about fifteen years. In the early 1970s, however, when the thirty-year postwar boom gave way to a period of restructuring the productive system, the ensuing strong expansion of the tertiary sector resulted in fewer suitable employment opportunities for immigrants. The Canadian and Quebec governments responded by putting in place a policy that sought to select their immigrants on the basis of human capital characteristics. This policy continues to this day, especially because the world of work is currently engaged in a new phase of transformation linked to the development of the knowledge economy.
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We examine whether a sex-based salary gap identified at the University of Manitoba in 1993 and 2003 persists in 2013. We apply decomposition techniques to analyze the factors contributing to the salary gap in each year and to its changes across the two decades. We find that a smaller but substantial 12 percent gap persists in 2013. In contrast to previous years, the 2013 gap is completely explained by sex differences in faculty, experience, and, more important, type of appointment and rank. The distribution of values of these control variables changed considerably between the earlier years and 2013 in ways that influenced the gap.
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In June the Ontario government announced its intention to raise the province’s minimum wage by the most in 50 years: 23% this January 1 and another 7% a year later. This move would raise the ratio of minimum wage to average hourly earnings in Ontario from the current 44% to 53% on January 1 and 55% a year later. There is only one precedent among the four largest provinces in Canada for an increase of the minimum wage to such ratios, the experience of Quebec in 1975. Two years after its introduction, this increase was found to be counterproductive. The segments of the labour force most likely to be affected by a surge in the minimum wage are youth (people aged 15-24) and recent immigrants (those landed less than five years ago).
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Work stress is costly and decreases productivity. Quebecers are much more likely to report high work stress than other Canadians. Using data from the Canadian Community Health Survey spanning 2003–2012, we study the determinants of reported work stress. Chronic disease, mental health, and lifestyle choices all contribute to work stress. Despite including a large variety of influences, living in Quebec is persistently associated with higher work stress. We discuss contextual and cultural factors. No one explanation stands out, but Quebecers are absent from work more often than others, suggesting that the costs of this phenomenon are real.
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In this paper, Fay Faraday explores how to provide workers in the on-demand service economy protection under the Employment Standards and Labour Relations Acts. Ontario’s Bill 148 – the Fair Workplace Better Jobs Act, 2017 – should provide protections to workers in precarious employment in the 21st century labour market. Workers in the on-demand service sector are at the forefront of both precarity and technological change. This paper provides guidance on how Bill 148 could be amended to extend protections to these workers.
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The Ontario government has committed to raise its minimum wage to $14 on January 1, 2018 then to $15 on January 1, 2019. This paper examines who in the province will get a "raise" from the $15 minimum wage, and finds it will largely benefit the province’s most marginalized—a broad and diverse swath of workers including contract, seasonal, and casual workers, part-time workers, women, and immigrants. The report also finds that the vast majority of workers who will benefit from a higher minimum wage are over the age of 20, and that they work for big companies (those with 500 or more employees), not small businesses. The study comes as the Ontario government consults the public about its decision to raise the minimum wage to $15 by January 2019. Although the data source for these findings, the Labour Force Survey (LFS) public use microdata file (PUMF), did not specify Indigenous identify, additional research has shown the benefits of a $15 minimum wage to Indigenous Ontarians would be significant, particularly for First Nations women and families. --Website description
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Families who work for low wages face impossilbe choices--buy food or heat the house, feed the children or pay the rent. The result can be spiralling debt, constant anxiety and long-term health problems. This reports breaks out the differences in actual costs for single parent and two-parent families in three locations in the province of Manitoba: Winnipeg, Brandon, Thompson. And with these real costs proposes a living wage for these families.
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This article aims to explain whether and to what extent formal and informal labor education and training initiatives help increase union participation among young members. Between 2009 and 2014, twenty-two interviews were conducted with ten national union leaders and twelve young leaders in two trade union organizations operating in the public and private sectors in Quebec. To complement these data, fifty-three focus group discussions were held, involving more than four hundred thirty young members (under the age of thirty). Our results reveal the presence of three areas of tension associated with the internal functioning of these unions. They also point out some factors that may boost the participation of young workers, internally.
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Canada is in a liminal space, with renewed struggles for and commitments to indigenous land and food sovereignty on one hand, and growing capital interest in land governance and agriculture on the other. While neoliberal capital increasingly accumulates land-based control, settler-farming communities still manage much of Canada’s arable land. This research draws on studies of settler colonialism, racial hierarchy and othering to connect the ideological with the material forces of settler colonialism and show how material dominance is maintained through colonial logics and racially ordered narratives. Through in-depth interviews, I investigate how white settler farmers perceive and construct two distinctly ‘othered’ groups: Indigenous peoples and migrant farmers and farm workers. Further, I show the disparate role of land and labour in constructing each group, and specifically, the cultural and material benefits of these constructions for land-based settler populations. At the same time, settler colonial structures and logics remain reciprocally coupled to political conditions. For instance, contemporary neoliberalism in Canadian agriculture modifies settler colonial structures to be sure. I argue, however, that political economic analyses of land and food production in Canada (such as corporate concentration, land grabbing and farm consolidation) ought to better integrate the systemic forces of settler colonialism that have conditioned land access in the first place. Of course, determining who is able to access land—and thus, who is able to grow food—continues to be a territorial struggle. Thus, in order to shift these conditions we ought to examine how those with access and control have acquired and maintained it.
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