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In times of economic growth, it is fair to expect that wages and job quality will improve with positive benefits being experienced throughout society. But between 2011 and 2017—a period when Ontario’s economy experienced significant gains—our research found that these expectations did not come true: the adage that a rising tide will lift all boats proved to be false in Ontario.

We address health capacity to work among older Canadian workers with a specific focus on differences by gender and region. We find that in 2012 men would have needed to work more than five additional years between ages 55 and 69 to keep pace with how much men worked in 1976, holding health capacity constant. For working women, the comparable result is only two years more work. Most of these gaps arose before the mid-1990s; since then, employment advances have offset mortality improvements. Regionally, more than half the Ontario–Atlantic employment difference among older men is rooted in health differences.

Analysis of amended data from a large-scale Canadian employment audit study (Oreopoulos 2011) shows substantial organization size differences in discrimination against skilled applicants with Asian (Chinese, Indian, or Pakistani) names in the decision to call for an interview. In organizations with more than 500 employees, Asian-named applicants are 20 percent less likely to receive a callback; in smaller organizations, the disadvantage is nearly 40 percent. Large organizations may discriminate less frequently because of more resources in recruitment and training, more human resources development, and greater experience with diversity. Anonymized résumé review may allow organizations to test hiring procedures for discrimination fairly inexpensively.

This article examines workers’ experiences with a union characterized by a social unionist framing and repertoire in the political realm and bureaucratic servicing of problems in the workplace realm. It analyzes interviews with members and officials about union strategies within privatized homecare predominately provided by immigrant women in Toronto. Workers report both consensual and tense relations with clients prompting them to praise their union’s political strategies yet criticize its limited workplace support. Findings indicate the importance of framing and repertoire that connect quality work with quality care, yet indicate a complex labor process that requires more conceptual and strategic attention.

While post-secondary institutions are places of learning, they also employ thousands of people across a broad spectrum of job classifications. This report explores the extent to which workers in Canada’s post-secondary institutions are experiencing precarity. More precisely, it asks whether employment on university and college campuses in Ontario is becoming more precarious, for whom and for what reasons. This report combines quantitative analysis of Labour Force Survey (LFS) data with qualitative accounts of the lived experience of precarity from post-secondary employees. Overall, the LFS data analysis suggests that 53% of post-secondary education workers in Ontario are, to some extent, precariously employed. Specifically, the report identifies a rise in work categories that are more precarious (e.g., research assistants and teaching assistants) alongside a decline in others that have traditionally been less precarious (e.g., librarians).

English/French abstracts of articles in the Fall 2018 issue.

The Workers’ Action Centre (WAC) is a worker-based organization. We are committed to improving the lives and working conditions of people in low-wage and unstable employment. Thousands of working families are struggling to make ends meet, so we take action and organize for decent work. We believe that the leaders in the fight for decent work should be the workers directly affected by poor working conditions. Workers have firsthand experience of problems at work, and have the best insight into what will bring fairness and dignity to Ontario’s workplaces. Our members are workers in precarious jobs. We are recent immigrants, workers of colour, women, men, and youth. Most of us don’t belong to unions because we work in small workplaces, are temporary workers, on contract, independent contractors or unemployed. This month we may be juggling 2 or 3 jobs, but next month we might not have any work or income. When we are able to find full-time work, there is still little protection against unfair working conditions or employers who don’t pay us what we should be paid. --Website

Teaching staff in Ontario schools do not reflect the increasing diversity of the students who occupy Ontario classrooms today. School boards across Ontario have come under considerable scrutiny regarding the lack of diverse teacher representation that adequately reflects Ontario’s demographic composition (Childs et al., 2010; Ryan, et al., 2009; Turner, 2015). This thesis addresses the Ontario teacher diversity gap (James Turner, 2017; Turner 2015; Turner, 2014; Ryan, et al., 2009) in relation to provincial equity and inclusive educational policies, which have been created to address the dominance of white teachers in publicly-funded education in Ontario. However, findings from the research indicate that these policies have not had the desired results, and in some ways have contributed to perpetuating the status quo, and the ongoing overrepresentation of white teachers in schools. The thesis furthermore addressed the notion of bias-free hiring (Fine Handlesman, 2012; Hassouneh, 2013) practices through narratives of Ontario teachers themselves. The predominant assumption of bias-free hiring is that one can divorce themselves from their unconscious biases and preconceptions of groups who are dissimilar to them in order to recruit the so-called “most qualified applicant”. The narrative of the “most qualified applicant” is a term invoked when racialized people seek access to employment opportunities. School administrators have great influence on who is hired; therefore it is important for administrators to interrogate their own social locations and positions of power, and unconscious bias in terms of how they recruit teachers. Findings from the research indicate that teachers from racialized groups have different experiences when seeking employment as teachers in publicly-funded school boards in Ontario. In response to this the EHT Equity Hiring Toolkit for Ontario School Administrators has been developed to support school administrators to recruit more diverse teachers. The EHT provides a framework for school administrators to engage in antiracist praxis and action, by examining their social location, and ways that their positionality impacts the hiring decisions they make. School administrators can use the creation of the Toolkit based on the findings of the data that emerged from the research as a Creative Professional Activity (CPA). I consider this to be my contribution to the field of social justice education and leadership.

The article reviews the book, "Firms as Political Entities -- Saving Democracy through Economic Bicameralism," by Isabelle Ferreras.

Dans notre monde globalisé, l’aire de jeux des acteurs n’est plus circonscrite à la structure, mais elle est, désormais, élargie au territoire. Cet effacement des frontières organisationnelles tend à favoriser le développement d’une logique partenariale, y compris en matière de gestion des ressources humaines (GRH) au regard des bouleversements de l’environnement socio-économique. C’est dans ce contexte actuel qu’une nouvelle forme émergente de GRH apparaît, se situant dans une démarche de RSE (responsabilité sociétale des entreprises) étendue qui ne se restreint plus uniquement à certains aspects sociaux. L’objectif de cet article est d’étudier une approche alternative de la GRH qui se veut plus sociétale. Nous nous attachons à répondre à la problématique suivante : comment instaurer une GRH sociétale en PME ? Utilisant l’approche contextualiste de Pichault et Nizet (2013), nous soulignons l’importance pour le dirigeant de mobiliser des acteurs tant internes qu’externes pour atteindre cet objectif. À partir du cas d’une PME française du secteur de l’économie solidaire, nous explorons, grâce à des récits de vie, des entretiens semi-directifs, des observations participantes et non participantes, ainsi que des analyses documentaires, le processus de construction de cette nouvelle forme de GRH. Nos résultats mettent en lumière trois étapes-clés : 1- l’émergence de cette GRH autour de la création d’un pacte social; 2- son évolution source d’adhésion et de frustration; et, enfin, 3-la diffusion de cette GRH alternative auprès des partenaires externes.

Pierre Elliott Trudeau – radical progressive or unavowed socialist? Christo Aivalis argues that although Trudeau found key influences and friendships on the left, he was in fact a consistently classic liberal, driven by individualist, capitalist principles. Trudeau’s legacy is still divisive. Most scholars portray Trudeau’s ties to unions and the Cooperative Commonwealth Federation as either evidence of communist affinities or as being at the root of his reputation as the champion of a progressive, modern Canada. The Constant Liberal traces the charismatic politician’s relationship with left and labour movements throughout his career. Trudeau worked with leftists in the 1950s to oppose right-wing Quebec premier Maurice Duplessis but against them as prime minister when workers and progressives were seen as obstacles to higher corporate profit margins. While numerous biographies have noted the impact of Trudeau’s engagement with the left on his intellectual and political development, this comprehensive analysis is the first to showcase the interplay between liberalism and democratic socialism that defined his world view – and shaped his effective use of power.The Constant Liberal suggests that Trudeau’s leftist activity was not so much a call for social democracy as a warning to fellow liberals that lack of reform could undermine liberal-capitalist social relations. Historians, political scientists, and political historians are the primary audience for this book, but it will also find readers among scholars of political economy, economics, industrial relations, and Canadian studies. It will appeal broadly to those interested in the life and thinking of Pierre Elliott Trudeau, the Canadian social democratic left, and liberalism/neo-liberalism. --Publisher's description

This article explores the experiences of construction-industry workers commuting to major project sites with a view to broadening understandings of the meaning and impact of the development of extractive industries in Newfoundland and Labrador since the 1990s. Theoretically, the article draws upon and develops the concept of “mobilities regimes,” a formulation that locates relations of power and inequality in the co-constitution of mobility and institutional structures. The empirical findings are based on research conducted between December 2014 and June 2016 as part of the On the Move Partnership, a research initiative examining employment-related geographical mobility (e-rgm) in a variety of sectors and provinces across Canada. The focus is on mobility associated with projects that fall under the provincial Special Project Order (spo) legislation. A total of 60 interviews to date have been conducted with workers as well as with key informants, including government officials, employers, and labour organizations. The central argument is that a mobilities regime is discernible not only in policies and project documents produced by governments, employers, and labour organizations, but also in the experiences of workers. These gendered experiences reveal that Newfoundland and Labrador’s spo projects enable people who may otherwise commute interprovincially to work close to home, but this work has contradictory meanings for the men and women involved due to the mobility it entails. By making visible the experiences of workers in the mobilities regimes of much-celebrated projects, the article encourages reflection on the effects on workers and their families of the underlying capitalist imperatives driving Newfoundland and Labrador’s contemporary economic transition.

The article reviews the book, "Syndicalisme et santé au travail," edited by Lucie Goussard et Guillaume Tiffon.

Employment and working conditions having an impact on health and safety are some of the most important concerns of workers. Amongst the various means by which trade unions contribute to prevention, the contribution of Worker Safety Representatives (WSR) is well-established and the most studied, including their participation in joint occupational health and safety committees (JOHSC). However, there are surprisingly few studies examining the place of OHS as an issue of workers’ collective action. Conducted with a large Quebec Central Labour Body, this study aims to understand why and how local-level unions concentrate upon these issues, the repertoire of means that they employ and the context that supports or hindus such actions. The conceptual framework is based on previous realistic evaluations of OHS preventive interventions and includes Levesque and Murray’s (2010) trade union power resources and strategic capabilities. In phase I, eleven semi-structured interviews were conducted with union staff members and elected representatives from different sectors, covering a wide array of activities such as unionization, training, negotiation, OHS prevention and compensation. Results also refer to five case studies (phase 2) of local-level trade unions identified by phase 1 respondents as particularly active in relation to prevention. The process by which working conditions having a negative impact on OHS are framed (or not) as trade union issues is examined. Levers and barriers are also identified. Factors affecting the presence of resources for trade union autonomous action aimed at prevention (like the integration of WSR to the union core structure, release time for prevention, etc.) are highlighted. A widely diverse repertoire of workplace-level trade union means of action for OHS is also highlighted by the interviews and case studies, not limited just to those provided by the Quebec OHS regime. It includes the recourse to labour relations mechanisms (e.g. negotiation and strike) and is based on an autonomous agenda, including mobilization. The potential of OHS issues for union revitalization is discussed, as well as the barriers that must be overcome.

How does the current labour market training system function and whose interests does it serve? In this introductory textbook, Bob Barnetson wades into the debate between workers and employers, and governments and economists to investigate the ways in which labour power is produced and reproduced in Canadian society. After sifting through the facts and interpretations of social scientists and government policymakers, Barnetson interrogates the training system through analysis of the political and economic forces that constitute modern Canada. This book not only provides students of Canada’s division of labour with a general introduction to the main facets of labour-market training—including skills development, post-secondary and community education, and workplace training—but also encourages students to think critically about the relationship between training systems and the ideologies that support them. --Publisher's description.

This study examines the ethical management of workers with disability (WWD) employed at two social enterprises in Australia. Viewed largely through the spectrum of institutionally-based conflict in the employment relationship, this research draws on a framework of situated moral agency (Wilcox, 2012) to establish the ways in which WWD are afforded opportunities to engage in work and how managers and supervisors practise situated moral agency at the workplace. A qualitative case study approach is used with 62 participants through semi-structured interviews and focus groups. Key findings demonstrate supervisors constantly have to reshape and reinterpret human resource management (HRM) policies and practices to exercise and extend moral agency. This phenomenon suggests contradictions between moral agency and ethical management practice within current HRM regimes. The key message of the paper is that HRM does not always support the ethical management of WWD. Consequently, we question the ethical nature of contemporary HRM policy and practice for WWD, and argue for further research to unpack ethical ways to more effectively support WWD in the workplace. For WWD to be included at work, achieve life skills and their goals, managers and supervisors need to engage with their moral agency. Finally, we draw implications for management and employment relations theory and practice.

This paper proposes a structurationist model that revises the notion of actors in industrial relations (Bellemare, 2000), reconsiders the frontiers of the industrial relations system (Bellemare and Briand 2006, Legault and Bellemare, 2008) and encompasses the developments of "life politics." This model is illustrated by the influence of users/patients on the work organization and governance bodies of a University Hospital in France, as well as on the health care system (public policies, research priorities, etc.).

La culpabilité est une émotion couramment éprouvée dans la vie quotidienne. L’objectif de cette recherche était de l’étudier dans le cadre du travail. Une recherche exploratoire a donc été menée afin, d’une part, d’identifier les situations générant de la culpabilité au travail ainsi que les effets de cette émotion et, d’autre part, de déterminer si la culpabilisation est une stratégie de management permettant d’obtenir davantage de travail de la part des salariés. Les personnes interviewées sont des salariés aux profils variés selon l’âge, le sexe, le poste occupé, le secteur d’activité, la taille de l’entreprise et le statut. Vingt-huit entretiens semi-directifs ont ainsi été menés. Les résultats identifient les caractéristiques de la culpabilité éprouvée au travail en révélant que cette dernière est familière, d’intensité et de fréquence variables, et évolutive. L’analyse des entretiens révèle aussi huit situations génératrices de culpabilité qui sont liées aux phénomènes suivants : une absence ou un retard, la perception d’un travail globalement mal fait, des demandes ou des promesses non suivies, des comportements ou attitudes non corrects, des caractéristiques personnelles (par exemple, un manque de compétence), un client ou un collègue qui souffrent et ne peuvent être aidés, un manque de temps ainsi que l’impact du travail sur la vie privée. Cette recherche montre que la culpabilité ressentie génère une gêne chez les personnes. Mais elle a, surtout, des effets positifs sur le travail réalisé par les salariés. La culpabilité a généralement un effet bénéfique sur les efforts au travail, sauf quand cette émotion est trop intense. La culpabilisation est un autre axe important de cette étude. Si elle est bien constatée par les répondants, il en ressort qu’elle est jugée inefficace lorsqu’elle émane des supérieurs. Elle est alors rejetée et mal vécue. Cet article ouvre des perspectives de recherche afin, d’une part, d’approfondir la place et le rôle de cette émotion et, d’autre part, de développer des implications managériales en termes de bien-être au travail et de performance au travail.

While precarious work is a phenomenon often associated with non-professional workers, the emerging case of non-tenure-track faculty (NTTF) calls for a new framework building on scholarship on both precarious work and the professions. An in-depth case study of NTTF in southern Ontario shows how a new phenomenon of ‘precarious professionals’ is emerging. Drawing on sixty semi-structured interviews with faculty members, university administrators and union representatives across southern Ontario, I analyze workers’ experiences in temporary contract work in the academic profession, and their views on the way certain types of professional work are valued. Building off previous literature on precarious work, gender and work, and professional work, this thesis defines precarious professionals as highly skilled workers who do professional work that is valued and devalued along lines of gender. Their experiences in temporary contract work marginalize them economically and professionally in complex and compounding ways that trap them between identifying as precarious workers and as professionals. Union organizers and activists draw on a two-pronged approach that addresses both dimensions of precarious worker and professional identities. This thesis shows variation in workers’ experiences, suggesting that not all temporary contract workers become precarious professionals, and shows how that variation can be explained.

This paper critically examines official statistics on workplace fatalities in Canada. Each year the Association of Workers’ Compensation Boards of Canada reports on the number of workers who die from a work-related injury or illness/disease. The problem, however, is that these data report the number of deaths that were accepted for compensation; it is not a system for tracking all work-related deaths. Drawing from a range of data sources and employing a broad definition of what constitutes death at work we attempt to generate a more accurate estimate of the number of work-related fatalities in Canada. In so doing our goal is not to produce a definitive number of annual deaths at work – an impossibility given the paucity of data sources – but instead to challenge dominant ways of conceptualizing what constitutes a work-related fatality and thus contribute to ongoing efforts to raise academic, political, and public awareness about this important issue. In this sense our goal is to question whether official statistics regarding workplace fatalities are complete when set against a broader understanding of what constitutes death at work.