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Poem in commemoration of the 100th anniversary of the Winnipeg General Strike of 1919, including labour and human rights activist Helen Armstrong (1875-1947) who played an instrumental role in support of the strike as head of the Women's Labour League.

This dissertation explores the political economy of the physical and mental illnesses that the migrant workers experience while living and working under conditions of illegality in Canada's late capitalism. The dissertation is divided into three parts. The first part locates four social determinants of health underpinning the structural vulnerability to which the Latin American undocumented workers are subjected in this particular context. The second part describes the mental and physical health illnesses that the undocumented workers develop while living and working in Canada without authorization, according to the type of industry they work in (1.—Multinational Corporations, 2.—Medium-size local industries and 3.—Underground workers' cooperatives) and to the type of work they do. The empirical evidence illustrates that the undocumented immigrants who work for medium-size local enterprises, those who have been affected by deportability and deportation, as well as those who lost their legal status after being engaged in refugee claimant applications, are more likely to develop the most dramatic forms of physical and mental health diseases, all linked to what is called here "short- term historical trauma." In contrast, undocumented workers who work for underground workers' cooperatives are more likely to report better physical and mental health outcomes. Cooperative labour, free time and social solidarity make this possible. Overall, this thesis indicates that --as explored in part three-- under the social conditions organized by late capitalism, social solidarity and engagement in non-waged cooperative labour constitute social mechanisms by which undocumented migrants can access to forms of refuge, care, solidarity and social recognition that partially emancipate them from illnesses, suffering and social death. This thesis is based on an ethnographic work that I carried out over 24 months in Montreal. During that period of time, I worked side by side with Latin American undocumented workers in slaughterhouses and meatpacking factories, construction and home renovation companies, employment agencies, and as industrial cleaner for multinational corporations, spaces where I carried out direct empirical observation in the points of production and conducted 47 in-depth interviews on illegality, labor and health. I also conducted ethnographic work in hospitals and deportation centers.

The article reviews the books, "When Things Don’t Fall Apart: Global Financial Governance and Developmental Finance in an Age of Productive Incoherence," by Ilene Grabel, and "Laid Low: Inside the Crisis that Overwhelmed Europe and the IMF," By Paul Blustein.

Confronting Canadian Migration History means two things. First, engaging with the history of population movements into, through, and from this territory, and their importance for our history as a multiethnic settler society. This has been one of the central projects of migration historians in Canada in recent decades. Second, to make and maintain a place for that historical knowledge in contemporary discussions of migration, and in doing so confront the present with the past. That latter goal is at the heart of this collection, which assembles in one volume fifteen texts published on ActiveHistory.ca over the last four years. --Publisher's description, Contents: Introduction / Daniel Ross. [Part] 1. Refugee migrations. Canada’s complicated history of refugee reception / Stephanie Bangarth -- Using old photographs to gain new perspectives on refugees, past and present / Sonya de Laat -- When to speak, when to act: Reflections on the recent MS St. Louis apology / Andrea Eidinger and Laura Madokoro -- Remembering the Prague Spring refugees / Jan Raska -- Little Bear’s Cree and Canada’s uncomfortable history of refugee creation / Benjamin Hoy. [Part] 2. Migration experiences and representations. Creating the Canadian mosaic / Ryan McKenney and Benjamin Bryce -- Conversations with Egyptian Uber drivers: Why emigrate? Why Canada? / Michael Akladios -- Old stock Canadians: Arab settlers in Western Canada / Sarah Carter -- Not so accidental: Farmworkers, car crashes, and capitalist agriculture / Edward Dunsworth -- Arab-Canadian foodscapes and authenticity / Michael Akladios. [Part] 3. Nativism and exclusion White Supremacy, political violence, and community, 1907 and 2017 / Laura Ishiguro and Laura Madokoro -- Immigration and White Supremacy: Past and present / David Atkinson -- Pork cuts: The sharp edges of nativism in Southern Europe / Aitana Guia -- X-Rays and the discriminatory science of migration / Laura Madokoro -- Baba wore a burqa, and Nona wore a niqab / Franca Iacovetta and Karen Dubinsky.

The article reviews the book, "Practical Liberators: Union Officers in the Western Theater during the Civil War," by Kristopher A. Teters.

The article reviews the book, "This Grand Experiment: When Women Entered the Federal Workforce in Civil War–Era Washington, D.C.," by Jessica Ziparo.

Pendant la crise économique des années 1930, les cols blancs se retrouvent nombreux parmi les rangs des chômeurs, créant ainsi « une nouvelle classe de pauvres ». Cet article explore le phénomène du chômage chez les cols blancs de Montréal et lève le voile sur leur expérience de la crise. Il s'attarde aux programmes d'assistance publique mis sur pied par les autorités municipales pour venir en aide aux chômeurs et à la réaction des cols blancs et de certains responsables de la charité relativement à la crise et à un système d'assistance jugé inadapté pour les cols blancs. L'article révèle que l'expérience et les réactions des cols blancs quant à la crise sont façonnées par leur appartenance à la classe moyenne. Au chômage, ils n'arrivent plus à maintenir les standards de respectabilité et le style de vie associés à la classe moyenne et se trouvent forcés de demander l'assistance publique aux côtés des ouvriers. La crainte d'un déclassement social et la peur d'être associés aux chômeurs de la classe ouvrière poussent les cols blancs à vouloir se différencier de ces derniers, réaffirmer leur appartenance à la classe moyenne et revendiquer des programmes d'assistance qui répondent à leurs besoins spécifiques. Certains responsables de la charité qui estiment que les cols blancs méritent des services adaptés participent également à cette différenciation.

The article reviews the book, "Managerial Control of American Workers: Methods and Technology from the 1880s to Today," by Mel van Elteren.

A stirring, heartfelt manifesto written by a man who fervently believes in what workers with their civil society allies can achieve for the good of all. Sid Ryan, one of Canada's most courageous and progressive union leaders, draws on the experience of his varied and colourful life to show what is right with the labour movement, what is wrong, and what has to change if it is to avoid becoming irrelevant. He calls for the adoption of Social Movement Unionism, in which labour forges an alliance with other progressive elements in civil society, taking up the cause of young people, precarious workers, and immigrants. He demands a renewed commitment to the NDP, the party that was built by unions, and he argues that the Leap Manifesto should become the pillars of the movement in Canada. --Publisher's description. Contents: Foreword by Gerry Adams -- Growing up in Ireland -- A new life in Canada -- President of CUPE Ontario -- Bob Rae and the social contract -- At home in the world -- OFL president -- The grander vision.

This article examines three popular renditions of female flight attendants in Canadaand the United States in teen fiction, film, and advertising, with attention to representational shifts fromthe1940s to the1970s.Our analysis demonstrates that the more sexualized image of the 1960s was a significant departure from the more complicated immediate postwar presentationof the flight attendant as a resourceful and capable career girl, albeit one still constrained by dominant notions of white, middle-class femininity. Created by management decisions in the face of increased capitalist competition, in concert with the influence of popular culture and gender ideology, the sexy stewardess altered the workplace environment for female flight attendants,but the legacyof earlier popular culture may well have aided their resistance to sexualization.

This case study of a union campaign to organize personal trainers and fitness instructors at GoodLife Fitness, the world's fourth-largest fitness chain, is used to highlight the challenges and possibilities of organizing precarious workers in the multi-billion-dollar fitness industry. Drawing on the broader literature on union organizing and strategic corporate campaigns, primary documents related to the organizing drive, media coverage of the campaign, and in-depth interviews with union officials and fitness workers, the case study reveals how the workers were successfully, yet unconventionally, able to leverage institutional, symbolic, and associational power to build union muscle in an industry that is virtually union-free.

Most extant studies on the relationship between workforce diversity and employment inequalities focus on the impact of a single disadvantaged identity on a single employment outcome such as pay or promotion at the organizational level. Thus, the relation between workers’ multiple identities and different dimensions of employment inequalities within the broader social context remains unclear. The goal of this thesis is to start filling this gap. I start with developing a multilevel model of employment inequalities for workers with multiple identities by integrating the social identity theory, double jeopardy hypothesis, intergroup contact theory, and theory of minority group threat. I test this model with two empirical studies using Statistics Canada’s nationally representative Canadian Survey on Disability (2012) linked with the National Household Survey (2011). Labour force participation, employment, and employment income are the dependent variables of this thesis. I examine the intersection of immigrant and disability identity dimensions by focusing on immigrants with disabilities (IwD) as compared to immigrants with no disabilities, Canadian-born with disabilities, and Canadian-born with no disabilities. Study 1 demonstrates that while immigrant and disability identities are independently negatively associated with employment and employment income, having both identities simultaneously has a positive effect on employment and employment income. Furthermore, with the increase of the residential area diversity (RAD), which is determined by the number of immigrants and people with disabilities in a community, IwD’s likelihood of employment increases but employment income decreases. Study 2 shows that the proportion of immigrants in a residential area (RA) is negatively associated with the likelihood of being in the labour force for IwD. Furthermore, perceived work discrimination is negatively associated with labour force participation for IwD. Moreover, perceived work discrimination mediates the relationship between the proportion of immigrants in an RA and labour force participation for IwD. This thesis contributes to theory by (i) developing a multi-level theoretical framework that demonstrate the complex relationship between individuals with multiple identities, organizations, and society, (ii) extending the intergroup contact theory and the theory of minority threat using empirical evidence from individuals with multiple identities rather than focusing on a single identity, (iii) examining multiple employment outcomes at once and demonstrating how employment outcomes might differ based on intersecting identities, and (iv) demonstrating the impact of societal context by incorporating RAD into analysis and showing how the employment outcomes of individuals with multiple identities differ by where they reside. I discuss practical implications of the findings for workers, employers, policymakers, and society.

The labour movement's inability to effectively respond to neoliberalism has resulted in reduced union membership and declining public status and influence of labour unions. This is having a cascading effect on other institutions that are at least peripherally linked with the working class, from the rightward march of social democratic parties to the move away from class as the foundation of labour history. I suggest that the absence of revolutionary unions, those fighting for a future beyond capitalism, is one of the key underlying causes of labour's current malaise. By revolutionary unions, I mean unions that are explicitly pro-socialist and anti-capitalist in intent and that, by their actions and by the response of capital and state to those actions, foster an awareness of the class nature of society, the specific interests of working people as a class, and possibilities for collectively pursuing a better future. --Introduction

As a dark side of leadership, scholars have shown that abusive supervision (AS) has negative consequences for subordinates work, organizations and society. This study focuses on the detrimental effects of AS on employee turnover intention, which is one of the major concerns for firms in China. We examined the underlying psychological mechanism between AS and turnover intention, specifically by focusing on the mediational role of psychological capital (Luthans et al., 2007) based on the conservation of resources theory (COR, from Hobfoll, 2002). By explaining the process of how AS can deplete individuals’ resources, which leads to protective behaviour and attitudes, we attempt to integrate COR theory into the existing AS literature. We also investigated the moderating role of broader organizational contexts represented by organizational justice perception in the relationship between AS and turnover intention, showing boundary conditions where the effects of AS can be amplified with regard to overall organizational justice perception. Based on survey data collected from young factory workers in northern China, this study finds that abusive supervision is positively correlated with turnover intention. Psychological capital, especially optimism, mediates this relationship. In addition, when workers perceived high levels of procedural and distributive organizational justice, this association between abusive supervision and turnover intention was even stronger. Furthermore, the perception of procedural organizational justice also moderated the mediation mechanism of optimism between abusive supervision and turnover intention. This paper enriches the extant studies by considering the relationship between abusive supervision and its negative consequences for manufacturing workplaces in a non-western country, a context that has been little studied. In addition, by showing how psychological capital and the perception of organizational justice affect the AS-turnover intention relationship, this paper provides a nuanced and deeper understanding of the psychological mechanism and organizational context of abusive supervision.

À partir de l’enquête Santé et itinéraire professionnel (SIP) retraçant la trajectoire de salariés français entre 2006 et 2010, cet article étudie les liens entre la qualité des conditions de travail et d’emploi, et la forme prise par la mobilité professionnelle : volontaire, subie ou négociée. D’un côté, les enquêtes sur les conditions de travail en France montrent que l’intensité du travail demeure à un niveau élevé, le travail répétitif augmente et l’autonomie des salariés diminue; et, de l’autre, les succès de la rupture conventionnelle — modalité de rupture négociée du contrat à durée indéterminée, introduite en 2008 —, et des plans de départs volontaires dans des entreprises en difficultés économiques, interrogent dans un contexte économique peu favorable ces dernières années. L’un des facteurs pouvant conduire un salarié à décider ou accepter de quitter son emploi peut alors renvoyer à la manière dont s’est déroulée cette relation d’emploi, et, en premier lieu, au niveau de qualité de ses conditions de travail. Pour tester cette hypothèse, l’article propose, à l’aide de modélisations logistiques multinomiales, d’estimer les corrélations statistiques entre plusieurs indicateurs de conditions de travail et caractéristiques de l’emploi, et cinq types de mobilité (fin de contrat, licenciement, démission, rupture conventionnelle, autres). Les résultats montrent une corrélation positive entre des conditions de travail difficiles et des départs négociés via la rupture conventionnelle, ainsi que subis via des licenciements et fins de contrat. Par ailleurs, de faibles salaires ou un temps partiel sont des caractéristiques de l’emploi reliées positivement avec les mobilités volontaires. Cela mène à trois conclusions : 1- la rupture conventionnelle constituerait une voie supplémentaire de sortie pour des salariés mécontents de leurs conditions de travail; 2- des conditions d’emplois peu favorables inciteraient les salariés à démissionner; et enfin, 3- certaines entreprises pratiqueraient des modes de gestion de la main-d’oeuvre peu soucieuses de la fidélisation des salariés, associant précarité du travail et précarité de l’emploi via les mobilités et non seulement le type d’emploi.

Notre étude cherche à comprendre la militance dans de très petites entreprises en France. Plus précisément, nous cherchons à cerner la forme prise par la militance dans ce contexte et les motivations du militant. Pour cela, nous nous appuyons sur 29 entretiens semi-directifs réalisés auprès de conseillers du salarié des deux principales entités syndicales. Mobilisant la littérature sur l’engagement et le travail militant, nous avons dégagé trois profils : le « bon soldat », le « défenseur des droits » et le « combattant ». Le « bon soldat » a une stratégie de valorisation de son syndicat. Sa militance s’exprime par un accueil soigné au salarié et un alignement sur sa position dans sa relation avec l’employeur. Son engagement militant montre qu’il cherche à préserver un équilibre entre son engagement syndical et sa vie privée. Le second profil, le « défenseur des droits », est attiré par les dimensions juridiques de son engagement auprès des salariés. Le conseiller du salarié ayant ce profil cherche à construire une stratégie de partenariat avec le salarié afin d’obtenir le moins de sanctions pour ce dernier. Pour lui, sa militance est d’abord motivée par la défense des droits du salarié. Le dernier profil, « le combattant », est très expérimenté syndicalement et il s’intéresse davantage à la relation interpersonnelle. Le conseiller du salarié de ce profil met en place une stratégie de conflits. Il s’engage auprès du salarié sans condition. Il lui propose une prise en charge totale jusqu’à le substituer et il ira jusqu’à mobiliser son syndicat, cela sans hésitation. L’étude met en exergue la diversité de la militance dans les très petites entreprises grâce à des conseillers du salarié qui restent fidèles à leur organisation syndicale et qui s’engagent auprès des salariés en s’appropriant la militance. Cette dernière vient questionner globalement les pratiques syndicales dans les très petites entreprises.

Wagnerism has been at the centre of Canadian labour relations since the end of World War II. Wagnerism rests on a so-called balance between workers and employers. Between 2007 and 2015, the Supreme Court of Canada has ruled that the constitution includes protections for good faith collective bargaining and to strike. In these cases, the Court stated that it is not constitutionally enshrining Wagnerism, yet it also leaned heavily on Wagner principles in arriving at its decisions. Building on interviews with national union leaders, I argue that the ambiguity between the Court's decisions and Wagnerism has left workers uncertain about how these rights alter the material conditions of unions. I conclude that the court's embrace of labour freedoms will only have material benefit if workers are willing to use these newfound freedoms to build working class capacities to directly confront ongoing attacks by governments and employers on core union freedoms.

Editorial on three conferences held in 2018-19 that examined the past, present and future of the study of working-class history.

Over the past four decades, governments have backed away from the promotion of collective bargaining in Canada resulting in a tendency towards anti-unionism. Examining this new reality, this article investigates two interrelated trends in Canadian anti-unionism over the last two decades in an effort to conceptualize the role of the state in regulating labour relations. First, we investigate legislative attempts to undermine or eliminate the ability of workers to collectively bargain and strike. Second, the article unpacks the political economy of anti-unionism in the private sector by focusing on the role of lobby groups that have shaped labour legislation. These two interrelated threads allow us to expose the relationship between employers and governments, which has threatened the strength of organized labour in the private and public sector and shaped a uniquely Canadian anti-unionism. Finally, we conclude by examining both the strengths and limitations of the unique fight-back strategies used by the labour movement, which has sought to elevate aspects of Canadian labour law to be protected by the Charter of Rights and Freedoms. This, we argue, offers restrictive possibilities for advancing collective bargaining rights in the existing labour relations framework.

A number of mechanisms contribute to the gender earnings gap – both its level and trends in it. We focus on three of them: occupational demand, the cumulation of disadvantage that originates in the unequal domestic division of labour, and labour market statuses which also may originate in the domestic division of labour. We show that changes in occupational demand associated with the dot-com boom and what followed it have caused substantial shifts in the relative earnings of young male and female university graduates. We provide evidence of how one consequence of the domestic division of labour – differences in hours worked by gender - contribute to the size and growth of the female earnings disadvantage. And, even in our generally young sample, human capital accumulation is more likely to be disrupted for women than for men. We identify several methodological and substantive implications of our results.