Search

The article reviews the book, "Not for Long: The Life and Times of the NFL Athlete," by Robert W. Turner II.

The article reviews the book, "Woman Enough: How a Boy became a Woman and Changed the World of Sport," by Kirsten Worley and Johanna Schneller.

Revealing how Canada's first Prime Minister used a policy of starvation against Indigenous people to clear the way for settlement, the multiple award-winning Clearing the Plains sparked widespread debate about genocide in Canada. In arresting, but harrowing, prose, James Daschuk examines the roles that Old World diseases, climate, and, most disturbingly, Canadian politics—the politics of ethnocide—played in the deaths and subjugation of thousands of Indigenous people in the realization of Sir John A. Macdonald’s "National Dream. " It was a dream that came at great expense: the present disparity in health and economic well-being between Indigenous and non-Indigenous populations, and the lingering racism and misunderstanding that permeates the national consciousness to this day. This new edition of Clearing the Plains has a foreword by Pulitzer Prize winning author, Elizabeth Fenn, an opening by Niigaanwewidam James Sinclair, and explanations of the book’s influence by leading Canadian historians. -- Publisher's description. Contents: Indigenous Health, Environment, and Disease before Europeans -- The Early Fur Trade : Territorial Dislocation and Disease -- Early Competition and the Extension of Trade and Disease, 1740-82 -- Despair and Death during the Fur Trade Wars, 1783-1821 -- Expansion of Settlement and Erosion of Health during the HBC Monopoly, 1821-69 -- Canada, the Northwest, and the Treaty Period, 1869-76 -- Treaties, Famine, and Epidemic Transition on the Plains, 1877-82 -- Dominion Administration of Relief, 1883-85 -- The Nadir of Indigenous Health, 1886-91.

This article introduces a special issue critically investigating contemporary formations of digital game labor, with a focus on the political-economic forces, social inequalities, and technological dynamics mutually shaping these formations. Accounts of game industry practices have been at the forefront of efforts within media studies to document and theorize conditions and transformations of labor under digital capitalism. The study of digital game labor has tended to cluster around four areas of inquiry: below-the-line labor, the creative labor of game development, player-production, and game labor politics. Providing empirically informed portraits of diverse contexts and experiences of gamework, this issue interrogates multiple dimensions of precarious work and social exclusion within an industry whose playful self-image can make it a resistant object of labor-centered analysis. The contributors to this issue promote a research orientation that is attentive to how work in the digital game industry might be made more accessible and sustainable.

Recent research within employment relations has identified how employer collective organizations continue to thrive in countries featuring different institutional characteristics. In the UK, we identify 447 membership-based Employer Organizations (EOs) active within employment relations and human resource management. The volume of organizations identified prompts our research question: what explains the changing role and activities of UK EOs? Country-level studies of EOs continuation use a range of theoretical frameworks to analyze how these organizations have adapted to institutional and economic change, but the most effective mode of analysis is debated. Our contribution is to apply Schmitter and Streeck’s identification of logics driving the behaviour of employer collective organizations, previously applied to coordinated market economies as defined by the Varieties of Capitalism framework, to the UK’s liberal market economy. The article explores the extent to which liberalization prompted new behaviour within UK EOs. Some studies argue that EOs in coordinated market economies adapt by prioritizing logics driving influence over those linked to membership. We explore how the UK’s changing political economy spurred evolution in the application of logics and find that the opposite happened. EOs once used participation within collective bargaining agreements and the governance of tripartite bodies to prioritize the logic of influence but these institutions decayed. It might have been expected that such decay would have caused a withering of EOs but they reconstituted themselves instead. The declining salience of the logic of influence prompted employer bodies to focus to a greater degree on the logic of membership by offering a broader range of member-focused services. Our findings indicate that employer collective bodies can react to liberalization with adaptation, not extinction. We also argue that our methodology could shed light on EOs behaviour in North America.

The Cooperative Commonwealth Federation (CCF) was one of the most influential political parties in Canadian History. Without doubt, from a social welfare perspective, the CCF helped Canada build and develop an extensive social welfare system across Canada. The CCF’s major contributions to Canadian social welfare policy during the critical years following the Great Depression has been justly credited to the party. This was especially true during the Second World War when the federal Liberal government of Mackenzie King adroitly borrowed CCF policy planks to remove the harsh edges of capitalism and put Canada on the path to a modern welfare state. Despite the party’s success in shifting the role of the state in society, electoral triumphs proved more difficult for the CCF to obtain. On the federal level, there has been a great deal of discussion about the third-party status of the CCF. One of the objectives of this paper is to indicate that such a role was not pre-ordained for Canada’s democratic socialist group. From 1942 to 1944, it appeared that the CCF was a significant electoral threat to the monopoly of the Conservative and Liberal parties. Ultimately, the party fell short of ending the dominance of the traditional governing bodies. The failure of the CCF to break through with the Canadian voting public is often blamed on the underwhelming performance of the party in the two most populous provinces: Ontario and Quebec. This work explores the efforts put forth by the party to expand the CCF beyond its Western base of support and shows how both provinces were inhospitable to the CCF prior to World War II. In addition, evidence is presented that clearly demonstrates that the CCF in Ontario and Quebec often hindered its own efforts to grow the movement. Horrid organization, non-existent leadership, and serious divisions within the party all helped to contribute to the anemic state of the CCF in Canada’s two largest provinces. These problems were compounded by thinly-veiled racism towards members of the French-Canadian community in Quebec. However, by 1942, the Ontario CCF addressed these issues and became a force to be reckoned with in the province. Attempts were made to incorporate this model into the Quebec branch of the party. The Quebec CCF made some in-roads in expanding their small base on the Island of Montreal. Despite these advances, the party failed to break through in the predominately French-speaking province. The 1945 Ontario and federal elections stemmed the tide of CCF momentum. From that point, the party was relegated to a permanent third-party status at the federal level. In Ontario, the party maintained a substantial degree of public support and would play a role in maintaining the three-party political system in that province. The Quebec CCF could make no such boast. The party’s weak support ensured they would remain on the fringes of Quebec politics during the remainder of the party’s days. While numerous factors are often credited with dooming the CCF in Quebec (opposition from the Roman Catholic Church, the centralizing nature of CCF policy, and media disdain), the available evidence indicates the party failed to address persistent concerns over leadership and organization.

Le contexte de la sexologie est unique au Québec, notamment en raison de la formation, du contexte de pratique, de même que de la récente réglementation. La création de l’Ordre professionnel des sexologues du Québec en 2013 marque un moment décisif pour la reconnaissance de la profession de sexologue. Bien que certains chercheurs se soient intéressés à cette profession au Québec et ailleurs, aucune étude ne semble avoir exploré de manière précise la question de l’identité professionnelle des sexologues. Pourtant, certaines études indiquent que la construction de leur identité professionnelle poserait certaines difficultés. Cette recherche exploratoire vise à répondre à la question suivante : Quels sont les obstacles à la construction de l’identité professionnelle des sexologues? Cette recherche se base principalement sur le modèle de la socialisation professionnelle de Dubar (2010) et a été effectuée par l’entremise de 25 entrevues individuelles auprès de diplômés du baccalauréat en sexologie, détenant ou non d’autres diplômes. Les résultats indiquent que le principal obstacle à la construction de l’identité professionnelle réside dans le fait que l’identité collective demeure toujours en cours de définition en raison du caractère récent de la profession et de la réglementation, de même qu’à cause de la diversité du champ de pratique. Les résultats de l’étude procurent une meilleure compréhension des processus contribuant à la construction de l’identité professionnelle des sexologues : ils peuvent fournir des éléments de réflexion tant au milieu académique qu’à ceux de la pratique.

The article reviews the book, "Why Women Have Better Sex Under Socialism: And Other Arguments for Economic Independence," by Kristen R. Ghodsee.

The article reviews the book, ""Arise Ye Wretched of the Earth": The First International in a Global Perspective," edited by Fabrice Bensimon, Quenton Deluermoz, and Jeanne Moisand.

Par le biais d’une analyse thématique d’éditoriaux de La Presse sur près de 35 ans, soit de 1980 à 2015, nous montrons comment s’est graduellement construit, au Québec, un discours qui prône une augmentation constante de la rémunération des médecins, alors même que, parallèlement, les infirmières recevaient un traitement asymétrique. Notre analyse s’inscrit dans la continuité des recherches sur les facteurs ayant influencé l’évolution de la rémunération des travailleurs à partir des années 1980.

This dissertation explores the transformations in tobacco farm labour in Ontario from approximately 1925 to 1990, advancing a significant reinterpretation of the histories of agricultural labour and guestworker programs in Canada. Contrary to portrayals of Canadian agriculture as permanently plagued by labour shortage, this case study demonstrates the heterogeneity of the sector, which included not only labour-starved growers but also farmers like those in tobacco whose high profits enabled them to attract a diverse range of harvest workers each year. Indeed, for much of the 20th century, Ontario’s tobacco sector, located primarily in Norfolk County and the surrounding areas, was the premier destination for seasonal farmworkers in Canada. In the sector’s early decades, tobacco workers enjoyed significant freedom of movement, unusual opportunities for social mobility, and a vibrant culture of worker organization and resistance. However, the opportunities in Ontario tobacco were never equally available to all prospective workers, and incorporation into the sector was always marked by patterns of inclusion and exclusion. For those workers who could gain access to the tobacco labour market, the benefits of working in tobacco steadily declined over the 20th century. By the 1980s, the sector no longer offered opportunities for social mobility and the possibilities of worker organization were greatly constrained. Guestworkers from the Caribbean and Mexico found their labour and geographic mobility much more tightly restricted than any previous or contemporary groups of tobacco workers. These transformations were complex and the result of many contingent factors (in both Canada and migrant-sending countries), including: political economic trends; ideologies of race and gender; the actions of employers, local communities, and workers themselves; and the efforts of multiple levels of the state to exert greater control over tobacco farm labour. The thesis pays particular attention to the transnational dynamics of labour migration systems, guestworker program structures, and worker resistance. By historicizing farm labour in a single crop and single region over approximately seven decades, the dissertation demonstrates that farm labour is not by definition a station of poverty and extreme exploitation, but instead is made so by historical processes.

Caregiver migration programs and policies in Canada have undergone numerous changes since the implementation of the Live-in Caregiver Program (LCP) in 1992. Although changes made by the Canadian government between 1992 and 2020 claimed to “support” migrant caregivers, many caregivers continue to face precarious conditions. The purpose of this Major Research Paper is to argue that caregiver migration programs and policies need to be reassessed and challenged as they continue to embody problematic labour practices that render migrant caregivers vulnerable. Broadly, this research brings literature on racism, sexism and colonialism into one conversation in order to better understand the root causes of inequality faced by migrant caregivers in Canada. The significance of this work lies in its provision of a contemporary understanding of caregiver migration, especially in light of a global pandemic, in order to advocate for policy amendments that will genuinely support migrant caregivers and lead to the elimination of exploitative care labour practices. Key Words: Canadian Caregiver Migration Policies, Caregiver Migration, Decolonial Lens, COVID-19, Migrant Care Workers, Migrant Caregivers, Care Work.

Cette recherche examine comment les institutions contribuent, à travers un processus d’expérimentation, au développement d’une gestion des talents (GDT) au niveau régional, la faisant passer ainsi d’un bien privé à un bien collectif. Ce passage s’opère par la création d’agences, de règles formelles et informelles, ainsi que de réseaux par les parties prenantes qui cherchent à développer et attirer des talents pour l’ensemble d’un écosystème.

[This book] details the Canadian Left's promotion of colonial policies and nationalist myths. Yves Engler...outlines the NDP's and labour unions' role in confusing Canadians. From Korea to Libya, Canada's major left-wing political party has backed unjust wars; Canadian unions supported the creation of NATO, the Korean War, the assassination of Patrice Lumumba, the Bay of Pigs invasion and the coup in Haiti. Left, Right also shows how prominent Left commentators concede a great deal to the dominant ideology. Whether it's Linda McQuaig turning Lester Pearson into an anti-US peacenik, Stephen Lewis praising Canada's role in Africa, or others mindlessly demanding more so-called peacekeeping, Left intellectuals regularly undermine the building of a just foreign policy. Left nationalist ideology, both Canadian and Quebecois, has warped the foreign policy discussion; viewing their country as a semi-colony struggling for its independence has blinded progressives to a long history of supporting empire and advancing corporate interests abroad. Even many victims of Canadian colonialism among indigenous communities have succumbed to the siren song of supporting imperialism. Finally, Left, Right suggests some ways to get the Left working for an ecologically sound, peace-promoting, non-exploitative foreign policy that does no harm and treats others the way we wish to be treated. --Publisher's description

This thesis examined the experiences of contract academic staff (CAS) regarding their use of work-life balance programs (WLBPs). As precarious employees, CAS are subject to work conditions that put them in a bind between surviving as precarious workers and meeting the demands of their work and family lives. As such, a clearer picture of how such highly-skilled professionals utilize WLBPs to achieve WLB is required. Adopting the phenomenology qualitative research approach, I used NVivo to analyze the data obtained from in-depth, semi-structured interviews conducted with ten research participants. Four themes emerged: precarious work, support and performance, gendered aspects of academia, and precarious workers’ use of WLBPs. Results showed that male and female CAS adopted similar WLBPs as boundary management strategies to integrate and/or separate their work and family obligations. The limitations and implications of the research for theory and practice were discussed and recommendations were made for future research.

The aim of this study is to examine the empirical question of how the provision of work-life benefits is associated with wages, promotions, and job satisfaction. This is an important question for industrial relations scholars and one that, as yet, has no definitive answer. In order to answer this question, we employ both economic theory and methods. Specifically, the economic theories being tested are the compensating wage differentials theory and the efficiency wage theory. To test the efficacy of each theory, we use econometric techniques using longitudinal data from the most recent Workplace and Employee Survey of Canada. We use regression to unpack the effects of work-life benefits on various employment outcomes and employ instrumental variables to mitigate against reverse causality. We find broad support for the efficiency wage theory. Alternatively stated, we find that increases in benefits are not associated with decreases in wages and other employment outcomes. If bundled correctly, work-life benefits are positively associated with increased wages, a greater number of promotions, enhanced employee morale in the form of job satisfaction, and improved employee retention. These results suggest that the provision of work-life benefits is not a zero-sum game for employers and employees. On the contrary, it appears that both parties to the employment relationship can benefit from work-life benefits.

At a meeting of the Farmworkers’ Organizing Committee (FWOC) on 6 April 1980, the FWOC officially became the Canadian Farmworkers’ Union (CFU) with the goal of providing better legal protection, immigration services, and overall improved safety standards for South Asian farm workers in the Lower Mainland. The CFU was unable to reach financial autonomy on their own and with a perpetual shortage of dues and heavy reliance on outside support, the CFU affiliated with the larger Canadian Labour Congress (CLC) in 1981. The CFU’s community unionism was unique and suited for their members’ needs but complicated their relationship with the CLC’s vision of a labour movement dominated by business unionism. This thesis demonstrates the CFU’s importance to Canadian labour historiography and provides valuable lessons for those who want to organize in an increasingly neo-liberal dominant society.

The article reviews the book, "Radical Ambition: The New Left in Toronto," by Peter Graham and Ian McKay.

The article reviews the book, "Industrial Relations in Singapore: Practice and Perspective," by Oun Hean Loh.

The article reviews the book, "Les services essentiels au Québec et la Charte canadienne des droits et libertés," by Jean Bernier.