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Le contexte de la sexologie est unique au Québec, notamment en raison de la formation, du contexte de pratique, de même que de la récente réglementation. La création de l’Ordre professionnel des sexologues du Québec en 2013 marque un moment décisif pour la reconnaissance de la profession de sexologue. Bien que certains chercheurs se soient intéressés à cette profession au Québec et ailleurs, aucune étude ne semble avoir exploré de manière précise la question de l’identité professionnelle des sexologues. Pourtant, certaines études indiquent que la construction de leur identité professionnelle poserait certaines difficultés. Cette recherche exploratoire vise à répondre à la question suivante : Quels sont les obstacles à la construction de l’identité professionnelle des sexologues? Cette recherche se base principalement sur le modèle de la socialisation professionnelle de Dubar (2010) et a été effectuée par l’entremise de 25 entrevues individuelles auprès de diplômés du baccalauréat en sexologie, détenant ou non d’autres diplômes. Les résultats indiquent que le principal obstacle à la construction de l’identité professionnelle réside dans le fait que l’identité collective demeure toujours en cours de définition en raison du caractère récent de la profession et de la réglementation, de même qu’à cause de la diversité du champ de pratique. Les résultats de l’étude procurent une meilleure compréhension des processus contribuant à la construction de l’identité professionnelle des sexologues : ils peuvent fournir des éléments de réflexion tant au milieu académique qu’à ceux de la pratique.

The article reviews the book, "Why Women Have Better Sex Under Socialism: And Other Arguments for Economic Independence," by Kristen R. Ghodsee.

The article reviews the book, ""Arise Ye Wretched of the Earth": The First International in a Global Perspective," edited by Fabrice Bensimon, Quenton Deluermoz, and Jeanne Moisand.

Par le biais d’une analyse thématique d’éditoriaux de La Presse sur près de 35 ans, soit de 1980 à 2015, nous montrons comment s’est graduellement construit, au Québec, un discours qui prône une augmentation constante de la rémunération des médecins, alors même que, parallèlement, les infirmières recevaient un traitement asymétrique. Notre analyse s’inscrit dans la continuité des recherches sur les facteurs ayant influencé l’évolution de la rémunération des travailleurs à partir des années 1980.

This dissertation explores the transformations in tobacco farm labour in Ontario from approximately 1925 to 1990, advancing a significant reinterpretation of the histories of agricultural labour and guestworker programs in Canada. Contrary to portrayals of Canadian agriculture as permanently plagued by labour shortage, this case study demonstrates the heterogeneity of the sector, which included not only labour-starved growers but also farmers like those in tobacco whose high profits enabled them to attract a diverse range of harvest workers each year. Indeed, for much of the 20th century, Ontario’s tobacco sector, located primarily in Norfolk County and the surrounding areas, was the premier destination for seasonal farmworkers in Canada. In the sector’s early decades, tobacco workers enjoyed significant freedom of movement, unusual opportunities for social mobility, and a vibrant culture of worker organization and resistance. However, the opportunities in Ontario tobacco were never equally available to all prospective workers, and incorporation into the sector was always marked by patterns of inclusion and exclusion. For those workers who could gain access to the tobacco labour market, the benefits of working in tobacco steadily declined over the 20th century. By the 1980s, the sector no longer offered opportunities for social mobility and the possibilities of worker organization were greatly constrained. Guestworkers from the Caribbean and Mexico found their labour and geographic mobility much more tightly restricted than any previous or contemporary groups of tobacco workers. These transformations were complex and the result of many contingent factors (in both Canada and migrant-sending countries), including: political economic trends; ideologies of race and gender; the actions of employers, local communities, and workers themselves; and the efforts of multiple levels of the state to exert greater control over tobacco farm labour. The thesis pays particular attention to the transnational dynamics of labour migration systems, guestworker program structures, and worker resistance. By historicizing farm labour in a single crop and single region over approximately seven decades, the dissertation demonstrates that farm labour is not by definition a station of poverty and extreme exploitation, but instead is made so by historical processes.

Caregiver migration programs and policies in Canada have undergone numerous changes since the implementation of the Live-in Caregiver Program (LCP) in 1992. Although changes made by the Canadian government between 1992 and 2020 claimed to “support” migrant caregivers, many caregivers continue to face precarious conditions. The purpose of this Major Research Paper is to argue that caregiver migration programs and policies need to be reassessed and challenged as they continue to embody problematic labour practices that render migrant caregivers vulnerable. Broadly, this research brings literature on racism, sexism and colonialism into one conversation in order to better understand the root causes of inequality faced by migrant caregivers in Canada. The significance of this work lies in its provision of a contemporary understanding of caregiver migration, especially in light of a global pandemic, in order to advocate for policy amendments that will genuinely support migrant caregivers and lead to the elimination of exploitative care labour practices. Key Words: Canadian Caregiver Migration Policies, Caregiver Migration, Decolonial Lens, COVID-19, Migrant Care Workers, Migrant Caregivers, Care Work.

Cette recherche examine comment les institutions contribuent, à travers un processus d’expérimentation, au développement d’une gestion des talents (GDT) au niveau régional, la faisant passer ainsi d’un bien privé à un bien collectif. Ce passage s’opère par la création d’agences, de règles formelles et informelles, ainsi que de réseaux par les parties prenantes qui cherchent à développer et attirer des talents pour l’ensemble d’un écosystème.

[This book] details the Canadian Left's promotion of colonial policies and nationalist myths. Yves Engler...outlines the NDP's and labour unions' role in confusing Canadians. From Korea to Libya, Canada's major left-wing political party has backed unjust wars; Canadian unions supported the creation of NATO, the Korean War, the assassination of Patrice Lumumba, the Bay of Pigs invasion and the coup in Haiti. Left, Right also shows how prominent Left commentators concede a great deal to the dominant ideology. Whether it's Linda McQuaig turning Lester Pearson into an anti-US peacenik, Stephen Lewis praising Canada's role in Africa, or others mindlessly demanding more so-called peacekeeping, Left intellectuals regularly undermine the building of a just foreign policy. Left nationalist ideology, both Canadian and Quebecois, has warped the foreign policy discussion; viewing their country as a semi-colony struggling for its independence has blinded progressives to a long history of supporting empire and advancing corporate interests abroad. Even many victims of Canadian colonialism among indigenous communities have succumbed to the siren song of supporting imperialism. Finally, Left, Right suggests some ways to get the Left working for an ecologically sound, peace-promoting, non-exploitative foreign policy that does no harm and treats others the way we wish to be treated. --Publisher's description

This thesis examined the experiences of contract academic staff (CAS) regarding their use of work-life balance programs (WLBPs). As precarious employees, CAS are subject to work conditions that put them in a bind between surviving as precarious workers and meeting the demands of their work and family lives. As such, a clearer picture of how such highly-skilled professionals utilize WLBPs to achieve WLB is required. Adopting the phenomenology qualitative research approach, I used NVivo to analyze the data obtained from in-depth, semi-structured interviews conducted with ten research participants. Four themes emerged: precarious work, support and performance, gendered aspects of academia, and precarious workers’ use of WLBPs. Results showed that male and female CAS adopted similar WLBPs as boundary management strategies to integrate and/or separate their work and family obligations. The limitations and implications of the research for theory and practice were discussed and recommendations were made for future research.

The aim of this study is to examine the empirical question of how the provision of work-life benefits is associated with wages, promotions, and job satisfaction. This is an important question for industrial relations scholars and one that, as yet, has no definitive answer. In order to answer this question, we employ both economic theory and methods. Specifically, the economic theories being tested are the compensating wage differentials theory and the efficiency wage theory. To test the efficacy of each theory, we use econometric techniques using longitudinal data from the most recent Workplace and Employee Survey of Canada. We use regression to unpack the effects of work-life benefits on various employment outcomes and employ instrumental variables to mitigate against reverse causality. We find broad support for the efficiency wage theory. Alternatively stated, we find that increases in benefits are not associated with decreases in wages and other employment outcomes. If bundled correctly, work-life benefits are positively associated with increased wages, a greater number of promotions, enhanced employee morale in the form of job satisfaction, and improved employee retention. These results suggest that the provision of work-life benefits is not a zero-sum game for employers and employees. On the contrary, it appears that both parties to the employment relationship can benefit from work-life benefits.

At a meeting of the Farmworkers’ Organizing Committee (FWOC) on 6 April 1980, the FWOC officially became the Canadian Farmworkers’ Union (CFU) with the goal of providing better legal protection, immigration services, and overall improved safety standards for South Asian farm workers in the Lower Mainland. The CFU was unable to reach financial autonomy on their own and with a perpetual shortage of dues and heavy reliance on outside support, the CFU affiliated with the larger Canadian Labour Congress (CLC) in 1981. The CFU’s community unionism was unique and suited for their members’ needs but complicated their relationship with the CLC’s vision of a labour movement dominated by business unionism. This thesis demonstrates the CFU’s importance to Canadian labour historiography and provides valuable lessons for those who want to organize in an increasingly neo-liberal dominant society.

The article reviews the book, "Radical Ambition: The New Left in Toronto," by Peter Graham and Ian McKay.

The article reviews the book, "Industrial Relations in Singapore: Practice and Perspective," by Oun Hean Loh.

The article reviews the book, "Les services essentiels au Québec et la Charte canadienne des droits et libertés," by Jean Bernier.

A historical work of non-fiction that chronicles the little-known stories of black railway porters-the so-called "Pullmen" of the Canadian rail lines. The actions and spirit of these men helped define Canada as a nation in surprising ways, effecting race relations, human rights, North American multiculturalism, community building, the shape and structure of unions, and the nature of travel and business across the US and Canada. Drawing on the stories and legends of several of these influential early black Canadians, this book narrates the history of a very visible, but rarely considered, aspect of black life in railway-age Canada. These porters, who fought against the idea of Canada as White Man's Country, open only to immigrants from Europe, fought for and won a Canada that would provide opportunities for all its citizens. -- Publisher's description. Contents: Introduction -- Leaving the station: Stan Grizzle's legacy of social change -- The railways are always hiring: working in white man's country -- "Did you ring, Sir?": Modern luxury and black labour -- The coloured commonwealth: reckoning with ah racist past -- "I know nothing about that": Legislating the colour line -- The ending of empire: Reimagining immigration -- Pressuring parliament: a new kind of Canadian citizenship -- A Creolized country: the black British of the West Indies -- Permanent residence: social identity and the state -- Demerits and deadheading: the rail companies' unreasonable demands -- An uphill battle: Pushing for policy changes -- Fair consideration: The porters gain new ground -- The porters' final fight: A multicultural country -- Beyond the rails: The battle for black identity -- Conclusion: A multicultural brotherhood fulfilling a dream -- Afterword: Appreciating the legacy -- Endnotes -- Index.

Recognized on the first day of May every year, International Workers’ Day, or May Day, commemorates the struggles of workers around the world through the labour movements and the political left. Although established in Canada since the beginning of the 20th century, this day is not deemed a statutory holiday, as opposed to Labour Day, celebrated on the first Monday in September.

Precarious employment is often experienced as contract work, involuntary part-time work, low wage work, and self-employment. There is a well-developed body of literature pointing to negative health, economic, and social impacts related to precarious employment in urban centres, while little consideration has been given to the particularities that may make a rural precarious employment experience different. The goal of this exploratory research project is to understand the experience of being precariously employed in rural Ontario. Nineteen unstructured individual interviews with rural Ontarians experiencing rural precarious employment were conducted. The phenomenon of rural precarious employment was distinguished by five themes (financial, health, self-view, social, and system) emergent through phenomenology. The phenomenon encompassed experiences of poverty, decreased health, negative self-views, social struggles, and marginalization from support public systems. Unpacking precarious employment in rural Ontario from the experience of workers has significance for both rural scholars and policy makers. Rural scholars benefit from a better understanding of precarious employment as an experience in rural areas, and the addition of lived rural experiences to the precarious employment literature advances the understanding of urban bias in scholarship. This research provides provincial policy makers the opportunity to craft rural focused employment policy and better understand how services can support rural precarious employees.

Multinational corporations are undeniably the driving force of globalization and regional economic integration. A convenient institutional framework (Hall and Soskice, 2001) to apply when comparing multinationals from different host countries is the well-travelled road of dividing capitalist economies into coordinated market economies (CMEs) and liberal market economies (LMEs). This article aims to elucidate the tensions between centralized human resources practices and labour union avoidance usually exhibited by multinationals from so-called Liberal Market Economies (LMEs) when they expand into coordinated ones (CMEs). Specifically, it examines the recent acquisition of the German retail giant Galeria Kaufhof by the Canadian multinational Hudson’s Bay Company (HBC). The article shows that HBC has settled into an uneasy acceptance of the CME institutions, while its investment motives vacillate between a long-term, market-enlargement strategy and a short- to medium-term one, based on the rapidly increasing real estate value of its downtown flagship stores. The article encourages researchers in IR to retain three principal conclusions for the literature and for further study. First, without predetermining outcomes by looking at host-country or home-country effects alone, institutionalist frameworks do present a convenient backdrop for conceptualizing movements of multinationals across jurisdictions. Secondly, concepts such as bricolage, recombining of institutional elements and institutional entrepreneurship, stemming from the institutional change literature, should routinely figure in one’s analytical toolbox, in any attempt at non-deterministic institutional analysis. Finally, sector-level actors, such as trade unions and employers’ associations, can play an essential role in any successful adaptation of collective bargaining institutions in the context of globalization by developing, maintaining and carefully utilizing their repertoire of strategic capabilities.

The article reviews the book, "Dix concepts pour penser le nouveau monde du travail," edited by Daniel Mercure and Mircea Vultur.

We examine the ways in which two major and related governmental institutions of China, the Communist Party of China (CPC) and government controlled All-China Federation of Trade Unions (ACFTU), exert different effects on the attitudes and behaviour of people toward the environment. Our motivation is to see which institution is more effective in making individuals ‘aware’ of environmental issues, expressing a ‘willingness to pay’ to alleviate the problems, and ultimately to ‘act’ on the issue by altering their behaviour. Based on theories of planned behaviour and social learning, we hypothesize that membership in the CPC as well as in the ACFTU fosters an ‘awareness’ of environmental problems and a ‘willingness to make a sacrifice’ to protect the environment, but that members of the ACFTU are more likely than members of the CPC to act on the issue by altering their behaviour. We test our hypothesis based on a nationally representative sample (n = 3112) from the 2010 Chinese General Social Survey (CGSS). Our results indicate that both the Party and the union have positive effects on ‘awareness’ and ‘willingness to pay’, but the union effect is generally stronger and only it (and not the Party) affects individual behaviour toward protecting the environment. Unions in China are generally regarded as having little or no independent power to organize workers and engage in free collective bargaining. Their role is to foster harmony between workers and employers and to co-opt grassroots actions, wildcat strikes and the growth of independent unions, all in the interest of fostering stability and growth. While this is undoubtedly the case, our results are consistent with an emerging view of a more variegated picture of Chinese trade unions that highlights some more positive elements, in our case, fostering ‘actions’ to improve the environment in China.