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This case study of union women organizing for day care in Ontario analyses the emergence of a women's movement within labour. It provides a social history of women's organizing efforts in the Ontario labour movement, tracing political mobilization of support for universally accessible, publicly funded child care. In addition, day care sheds light on recent developments in two Canadian social movements: the labour movement and the women's movement. Developments in each of these areas have facilitated gains made by both. The active campaign of trade union women for women's equality in the unions has been integrally connected to the contemporary women's movement. While the growth of feminism established a foundation for the struggles of working-class women in unions around gender issues such as day care, a growing number of working women joined unions in the last decade to organize against the domination of the labour movement by men. --Introduction

Through on-site and supported training, business in Canada has a crucial role to play in the supply of specialized and multiskilled workers. The results of a survey of the Ontario manufacturing sector are presented, and intra- and extraorganizational factors influencing the training activities of firms are identified. On average, employees received 2.6 days of directly provided training and some supported training. It is concluded that improvement in training participation rates has taken place throughout the 1980s and that leading companies are reaching new levels in the duration of training offered. A variety of factors, such as management commitment, are found to be significant predictors of training activities.

The article reviews the book, "On Strike at Hormel: The Struggle for a Democratic Labor Movement," by Hardy Green.

Takes note of forthcoming conferences and a San Diego exhibit entitled Camera as Weapon: Worker Photography Between the Wars.

Takes note of forthcoming conferences, a call for papers, and international research projects on European social democracy in World War I, the Communist International, and the complete works of Mikhail Bakunin.

The article reviews the book, "Making Their Way: Education, Training and the Labour Market in Canada and Britain," by D. Ashton and G. Lowe.

Admettant que le syndicalisme et la coopération ont une origine commune, du moins en Europe, et qu'ils privilégient tous les deux un fonctionnement démocratique, on peut se demander pourquoi les relations du travail y sont apparemment si conflictuelles? Pour répondre à cette question, l'auteur s'arrête d'abord sur la spécificité coopérative pour montrer comment cette forme d'entreprise est plus complexe que les autres en raison du double rapport de sociétariat et d'activité et comment l'évolution de ce double rapport peut jouer sur l'intensité des conflits du travail. Ensuite, il tente d'illustrer cette problématique à partir d'une étude exploratoire des relations du travail dans les caisses populaires Desjardins.

The article reviews the book, "Cooperation and Conflict in Occupational Safety and Health: A Multination Study of The Automotive Industry," by Richard E. Wokutch.

Did workplace characteristics, such as the degree of mechanization or the level of managerial control, systematically influence occupational mortality rates in France at the beginning of the 20th century? Data from an early 20th-century study of occupational mortality in France lead us to conclude that long hours of work, under conditions where labor had limited control of the pace of work, represented the most serious occupational risk facing early French workers. The effect of long hours of work on mortality dwarfed the impact of either mechanization or size of establishment.

The article reviews the book, "Les Franco-Américains," by François Weil.

The article reviews the book, "The Bibliography of Ontario History/La Bibliographie d'histoire ontarienne 1976-1986," by Gaétan Gervais, Gwenda Hallsworth and Ashley Thomson.

Compilation of recent English/French publications on Canadian labour history that emphasize the period 1800-1975. Materials pertaining to the post-1975 period may also be included, although more selectively. See the database, Canadian Labour History, 1976-2009, published at Memorial University of Newfoundland.

Compilation of recent English/French publications on Canadian labour history that emphasize the period 1800-1975. Materials pertaining to the post-1975 period may also be included, although more selectively. [See the database, Canadian Labour History, 1976-2009, published at Memorial University of Newfoundland.]

The article reviews the books, "he Origins of Economic Democracy: Profit Sharing and Employee-Shareholding Schemes," by Michael Poole and "The Impact Of Economic Democracy: Profit Sharing And Employee Shareholding Schemes," by Glenville Jenkins.

In 1978-79, the ad hoc Women Back Into Stelco Committee launched a campaign to force Stelco management to end twenty years of sexist hiring practices. The campaign succeeded in winning public and legal recognition that Stelco had practiced discriminatory hiring and it forced Stelco to begin hiring women. This paper reviews the campaign and explores what happened when the women entered the formerly all-male workplace. It assesses the implications of such campaigns for the sex/gender division of labour the organization of work, and the politics of the women's movement and the labour movement.

Reviews the life and work of Canadian diplomat E. Herbert Norman, who died by suicide during the Cold War after being hounded for years as a suspected agent of the Soviet Union (the US Senate had recently reopened its investigation). Concludes that Norman was not a Soviet agent nor was he disloyal, despite his communist sympathies while a student at Cambridge University in the 1930s. The report, which was commissioned by the Canadian government, is based on ministerial records, RCMP files, Norman's personal correspondence, interviews, and a literature review. Includes two appendices.

Introduces the protest poetry of John J. "Slim" McInnis, whose verse was steeped in his experiences as a steelworker at the plant in Sydney, Nova Scotia, from the 1940s to the 1970s. The poems include "Doscomocracy," "From Breadlines to Battlefields," and "Dosco's Inferno." Note: The Dominion Steel and Coal Corporation was also known as Dosco.

In the 1880s both the Knights of Labor, and the Salvation Army, which in this period was an exclusively revivalistic movement, drew mass support from Ontario's working class. This paper looks at the nature of working class support for the two movements, noting that the Salvation Army was more likly to attract working class women and unskilled men, while the Knights were most popular among skilled men. The possibility of overlap in membership is also addressed. In assessing the appeal of the two movements to working class Ontarians the relationship between working class religion and class consciousness is explored. Christianity was clearly important to many individual Knights, and fueled the Order's class conscious critique of nineteenth century society. The Salvation Army's otherwordly emphasis meant that it ignored contemporary social and economic issues; nonetheless the Army provided a distinctly working class religious alternative which was actively critical of the respectable mainstream churches. The popularity of both the Knights and the Army demonstrate the importance of class identity and religious belief within the late nineteenth century Ontario working class.

The article reviews the book, "Secretaries Talk: Sexuality, Power and Work," by Rosemary Pringle.

A quick perusal of the literature in work and industry, industrial relations, and labour studies readily confirms that the current trend is towards some form of Quality of Working Life coupled with an appeal for all parties involved - employer, employee, and government - to change radically their attitudes towards collective bargaining. Employers have to become more willing to accept union contributions; employees have to become more cooperative and "confine adversarial tactics"; and the government has to adopt "a more positive attitude toward employers and unions" in order to facilitate trust and harmony between the two. --Introduction