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Tracing the history of gendered working-class responses to deindustrialization in the Montréal neighbourhood of Saint-Henri reveals that many of the local political initiatives of the 1960s and 1970s were connected to longer-term working-class efforts to navigate shifting patterns of capital accumulation extending back to the 1940s. The gendered tradition of territory-based organizing in this community encouraged women workers’ shop-floor militancy and was foundational for new forms of local political advocacy around issues like health care and housing. In deindustrialization’s moment, the concerns of a precariously employed, feminized working-class population spurred a crossover of industrial struggle with survival-focused reproductive labour issues, centred around a grassroots organization called the popir (Projet d’organisation populaire, d’information, et de regroupement). This pattern of gendered working-class militancy and solidarity persisted throughout the 1980s and shaped resistance to Saint-Henri’s subsequent gentrification at the turn of the new millennium.

Cet article part du constat que les travaux s’intéressant à la variation des réponses syndicales aux changements initiés par les dirigeants d’entreprises, en ne se concentrant que sur les différences entre syndicats et en analysant les réponses de chaque syndicat à l’aune d’un seul des différents types de réponse possibles, présentent une vision relativement statique de l’activité syndicale en période de changement. En s’appuyant sur les notions de pouvoir discursif/narratif (Geelan, 2022 ; Schmalz et al., 2018 ; Lévesque & Murray, 2013), de cadres de l’action collective (Snow & Benford, 1988) et de ressources de pouvoir (Lévesque et Murray, 2010), l’article cherche à voir comment l’intersyndicale de NRTV, une entreprise audiovisuelle française, confrontée au pouvoir formel des dirigeants du Groupe pour orchestrer leur projet de restructurations avec suppressions d’effectifs, a réussi à modifier les structures de pouvoir (Kaplan, 2008) et à peser dans les négociations. L’analyse du discours de l’intersyndicale, entre l’annonce du projet de restructuration et la fin des négociations, nous a permis d’identifier quatre stratégies de cadrage utilisées pour faire face aux significations fournies par les dirigeants du Groupe (la réfutation, l’euphémisation, le dévoilement et le recadrage). Ce positionnement discursif, combiné à l’utilisation d’une stratégie de diffusion des cadres interprétatifs et d’action aussi bien informationnelle qu’interprétative (Demers, 1996), lui a permis de mobiliser ses soutiens internes et externes autour et même au-delà des actions qu’elle a menées et d’exercer une influence sur le processus et les résultats du changement.

Feminism's Fight explores and assesses feminist strategies to advance gender justice through Canadian federal policy from the 1970s to the present. It tells the crucial story of a transformation in how feminism has been treated by governments and asks how new ways of organizing and emerging alliances can advance a feminist agenda of social and economic equality. This timely collection examines the ideas that feminists have put forward in pursuit of the goal of equality and traces the shifting frameworks employed by governments in response. The authors evaluate changing government orientations through the 1970s to 2020, revealing the negative impact on women's lives and the challenges posed for feminists. The COVID-19 pandemic has exacerbated the sexism, misogyny, and related systemic inequalities that remain widespread. Yet it has also revived feminist mobilization and animated calls for a new and comprehensive equality agenda for Canada. Feminism's Fight asks two key questions: What are the lessons from feminist engagement with federal government policy over fifty years? And what kinds of transformative policy demands will achieve the feminist goal of social and economic equality?-- Publisher's description

...The growth of the gig economy presents a number of opportunities for workers, with a potential for added flexibility and freedom in how, where, and when they choose to work. However, gig workers can also face a number of challenges, putting many of them in difficult working conditions and precarious economic positions. Recognizing these challenges, the Prime Minister mandated the Minister of Labour to improve labour protections for gig workers, including those who work through digital platforms. --From introduction

Les cadres de pensée et d’action qui structurent la prévention des risques professionnels forment aujourd’hui un dispositif au sens de Foucault. Ce dispositif, qualifié de « doctrine de prévention », s’est construit en référence aux classes de situations industrielles et se retrouve aujourd’hui remis en question par les activités de service. À partir d’une analyse ergonomique du travail et de la conduite de projet de prévention dans une structure de médiation sociale, cet article cible un point spécifique de la doctrine qui s’inscrit en décalage avec l’activité des médiatrices : la subordination. En effet, le lien qui s’établit entre subordination et prévention amène à penser cette dernière dans un périmètre et sur un modèle du pouvoir éloignés de l’activité réelle des travailleuses. Cet article fournit ainsi des connaissances spécifiques sur l’écart entre la doctrine de prévention et les activités de service, mais ouvre également des perspectives de recherche au travers de la conceptualisation de la prévention en tant que dispositif.

Drawing on engaging case studies, Essays in History of Canadian Law brings the law to life. The contributors to this collection provide rich historical and social context for each case, unravelling the process of legal decision-making and explaining the impact of the law on the people involved in legal disputes. Examining the law not simply as legislation and institutions, but as discourse, practice, symbols, rhetoric, and language, the chapters show the law as both oppressive and constraining and as a point of contention and means of resistance. This collection presents new approaches and concerns, as well as re-examinations of existing themes with new evidence and modes of storytelling. Contributors cover many thematic areas, from criminal to labour, civil, administrative, and human rights law, spanning English and French Canada, and ranging from the mid-eighteenth century to the late twentieth century. The legal cases vary from precedent-setting cases to lesser-known ones, from those driven by one woman’s quest for personal justice to others in which state actors dominate. Bringing to light how the people embroiled in these cases interacted with the legal system, the book reveals the ramifications of a legal system characterized by multiple layers of inequality. -- Publisher's description

Throughout Canada, the need for care provision services is on the rise. The number of people willing and able to provide these care services is insufficient to address the growing need for care. Care work is provided by a mix of paid workers and unpaid family members. The majority of both these groups of care workers are women. Care work has long been undervalued as feminized labour, resulting in insufficient government support for family caregivers, and persistent labour issues within paid care sectors. In this thesis, I explore two distinct sets of Canadian federal policies related to care provision – Employment Insurance (EI) benefits for unpaid family caregivers, and the Home Child Care Provider and Home Support Worker Pilot Programs, which facilitate the immigration of private in-home caregivers to Canada – in order to discover whether they are underpinned by a shared set of similar assumptions about the nature of care work, who is best suited to perform it, and how it should be provided. In examining the assumptions about care that underpin and shape these policies related to care provision in Canada, I identify a number of consistent gendered themes about care and care providers and analyze their impact on policy outcomes.

Chinese Canadians are one of the largest ethnic groups in the country. In the 2021 census, more than 1.7 million people reported being of Chinese origin. Despite their importance to the Canadian economy, including the construction of the Canadian Pacific Railway (CPR), many European Canadians were historically hostile to Chinese immigration. A prohibitive head tax restricted Chinese immigration to Canada from 1885 to 1923. From 1923 to 1947, the Chinese were excluded altogether from immigrating to Canada. (See Chinese Immigration Act)....

The Chinese Immigration Act of 1923, known also as the Chinese Exclusion Act, banned the entry of virtually all Chinese immigrants for 24 years. Although migration into Canada from most countries was controlled or restricted in some way, only Chinese people were singled out completely from entering on the basis of race....

Après avoir vécu une séparation difficile avec son copain engagé dans des affaires louches, Ariane se retrouve sans le sou. Afin d'éviter la vente de son condo, elle trouve un emploi de traductrice dans une entreprise de transformation alimentaire de la grande région de Montréal. Là, en plus des tâches administratives diverses, elle est chargée de traduire en espagnol les directives de Stéphane, le patron, aux employés guatémaltèques embauchés pour la saison estivale. Elle découvre alors un milieu contraignant et parfois cruel, géré d'une main de fer par les propriétaires français de l'usine. Témoin de pratiques injustes, voire illégales, à répétition, Ariane finit par se ranger du côté des travailleurs, quitte à perdre son emploi et se retrouver dans une situation financière plus que difficile. --Website description

Studying collective action in the platform economy against the backdrop of the informal economy in India, I make two arguments that show how work organization in the platform economy enables collective action and distinguishes it from the informal sector. First, I argue that platform work organization through algorithmic work allocation, high employer visibility and algorithmic rather than direct managerial control makes collective action possible. In the informal economy, layers of middlemen often obscure the employment relationship by denying workers a clear contender and the opportunity to develop relationships of solidarity. Second, platform workers address their demands to two targets: the platform company and the state. Informal worker unions have no single, identifiable employer and traditionally confine their demands to the state.

Dans le cadre de la plateformisation du travail, l'article est consacré aux défis d’une construction de l'action collective de livreurs et de chauffeurs de centres urbains au Brésil. Le contexte socio-politique et économique de dépendance au sein du système capitaliste dans lequel agit ce groupe social, en interaction avec la rationalité néolibérale, contribue à expliquer les difficultés d'organisation syndicale de ces travailleurs. L’échantillon d’enquête réunit des dirigeants, des animateurs et des membres de collectifs en quête de meilleures rémunérations et conditions de travail, ainsi que d’alternatives aux plateformes marchandes. Ils intègrent deux associations, deux collectifs autogérés et un réseau autonome de travailleurs. En se fondant sur l'analyse des entretiens réunis, des hypothèses sont avancées concernant ces formes alternatives d'organisation, de représentation et de mobilisation, en tenant compte de la composition hétérogène de ces entités collectives.

Musculoskeletal disorders (MSDs) are one of the main causes of work disability (EU-OSHA, 2019; WHO, 2019). Several solutions, including the cobotic system (EUROGIP, 2017), have been put forward to improve unhealthy working conditions and prevent MSDs. We sought to identify the MSD risk factors of workers on a screen-printed glass production line prior to introduction of a cobot. We used a mixed data collection technique: video observations and assessment of MSD risk factors by expert ergonomists, and then self-confrontation interviews with six production-line operators and subjective perception of risk factors. The two types of assessment (by experts and by operators) showed that the most demanding risk factors were physical (e.g., work posture) and psychosocial (e.g., mental workload). Certain risk factors were viewed differently by the experts and the operators. One question remains: How can a cobot make work more meaningful for operators?

Despite the centrality of public sector trade unionism in Canada today, its history remains largely unknown. Our attention remains fixed on the classic male proletarians of the industrial revolution. It might surprise you that the history of public sector unionism spans the 20th century, reaching back to the 19th century. United in Action tells the fascinating story of the Union of Canadian Transportation Employees (UCTE), one of five founding components of the Public Service Alliance of Canada (PSAC) in 1966. --Foreword

The article reviews the book, "Love’s Next Meeting: The Forgotten History of Homosexuality and the Left in American Culture," by Aaron S. Lecklider.

This unique Companion showcases the importance of valleys and their socio-economic, physical and cultural landscapes across three continents. Expert scholars in the field offer a broad range of disciplinary perspectives on the topic, discussing key historical and contemporary issues governing and transforming valleys. --Publisher's description

The article reviews the book, "Les visages de l'État social, Assistantes sociales et familles populaires durant l'entre-deux-guerres," by Lola Zappi.

The article reviews the book, "Democracy at Work. Contract, Status and Post-Industrial Justice," by Ruth Dukes and Wolfgang Streeck.

Cet article explore les voies du renouvellement de l'étude des relations industrielles et du droit du travail. À travers un examen historique comparatif de ces deux domaines d’études, il examine leurs racines et héritages communs ainsi qu'une série d'initiatives de renouvellement. Il est soutenu que les deux domaines doivent se réapproprier des valeurs fondamentales : la reconnaissance de l'inégalité fondamentale des parties à la relation de travail et la reconnaissance de la nécessité de compenser cette inégalité par des processus collectifs. Les germes de ce renouveau sont identifiés à la fois dans le droit du travail et dans les relations industrielles. Leur avenir réside dans l'émergence d'un champ d’études intégré du travail et de l'emploi et dans le rôle et l'avenir du travail en tant que vecteur de démocratie.

This article explores paths for the renewal of the study of industrial relations and labour law. Through a comparative historical review of these two fields of study, it examines their common roots and legacies and a range of renewal initiatives. It is argued that both fields need to reappropriate core values: recognition of the fundamental inequality of the parties to the employment relationship; and recognition of the need to compensate for this inequality through collective processes. The seeds of this renewal are identified in both labour law and industrial relations. Their future lies in the emergence of an integrated field of study of work and employment and in the role and future of work as a vector of democracy.