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Since the establishment of the Canadian Air Line Flight Attendants’ Association (CALFAA) in 1948 and the Airline Division of the Canadian Union of Public Employees (CUPE) in 1984, flight attendant unions have advocated for duty time limits, sufficient rest periods, and fair wages. Recently, CUPE’s Airline Division has focused their efforts on unpaid ground time – a vital but overlooked element of flight attendant labor. Despite the union’s efforts, the persistence of unpaid ground time illustrates a trend of systemic prioritization of corporate profit over workplace equity. Through an overview of academic and grey literature (e.g. news articles, government documents), this review details the history of Canadian flight attendant unions before and after neoliberal reforms in the 1980s to trace trends in labor relations. We argue that increased governmental intervention and corporate exemptions in employee-employer labor relations prioritize the industry’s financial stability, forming structural barriers that dilute unions’ change-making capacity. Ultimately, we contextualize unpaid ground time within these trends – where systemic prioritization of corporate interests trump unions’ labor concerns, leaving attendants’ workplace inequity unaddressed.

In 2016, Brian Pallister's Progressive Conservative Party of Manitoba successfully campaigned on a platform to reduce taxes and restore the balance between revenue and spending. The years that followed their victory saw wages frozen, emergency rooms closed, intensive care unit beds reduced, healthcare jobs eliminated, Manitoba Housing funding slashed, and payments to foster parents decreased, as the civil service was diminished by 27 percent. Public Service in Tough Times gives voice to the people behind the balance sheets, shedding light on the vicious cycle of understaffing, burnout, attrition, and despair created by austerity policy. Using survey data from thousands of public sector workers and carefully compiled statistics on spending and staffing, editors Jesse Hajer, Ian Hudson, and Jennifer Keith, demonstrate how cuts to government expenditures disproportionately benefit the wealthy and exacerbate poverty and inequality. As the virtues of small government, tax cuts, and private sector investment continue to be the rallying cry of right-leaning politicians worldwide, this impeccably researched case study delivers a crushing critique of austerity and its consequences. --Publisher's description

In 1980s Ontario, racialized migrant domestic workers faced systemic exploitation, precarious immigration status, and exclusion from labour protections, reinforced by provincial and federal policies that devalued domestic labour. This thesis examines how INTERCEDE, a Toronto-based coalition, challenged these structural inequalities. Employing an intersectional approach, this study reveals how race, gender, immigration status, and class collectively marginalized migrant care workers. Drawing on extensive primary sources, it analyzes INTERCEDE's influence on major policy changes, including reforms to the Foreign Domestic Movement (FDM) program and to provincial labour laws. The thesis argues that while INTERCEDE efforts contributed to securing significant, albeit often fragile, victories, these gains highlighted both the power of activism and the persistent challenges under neoliberal regimes. It contributes to feminist labour history, migration studies, and care work scholarship by demonstrating how organized resistance reshaped Canadian policy and contested institutionalized marginalization.

We illustrate the exploitation in the relationship between Uber and its drivers by aligning their work with the characteristics of neo-villeiny. Two different legal developments in response to irregulation (or the lack of effective regulation) in similar institutional contexts emerge. While Uber drivers in the United Kingdom now have worker status, dysregulation (by which we mean regulation that exacerbates the problem it seeks to resolve) in Ontario has established neo-villeiny in law.

Since the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic in early 2020, many Canadians have become newly aware of problematic power imbalances and potential for abuse under the Temporary Foreign Worker Program (TFWP), which forms a key component of the Canadian agri-food workforce. The increased attention brought to some of the negative outcomes of Canada’s agricultural migrant labour system appear to have prompted an industry response, including through the More than a Migrant Worker initiative launched by a collection of agri-food industry groups. This dissertation presents the results of research on texts gathered from the More than a Migrant Worker initiative. Critical discourse analysis was used to identify themes, arguments, and rhetorical techniques the initiative employs to convey a narrative about migrant farm workers to the public. Findings indicate that these agri-food industry groups have adopted a defensive stance in response to critiques of migrant labour policies, as demonstrated by the discourse’s treatment of themes such as migrant workers’ and their families’ financial motivations, the purported necessity of migrant labour to sustain Canadian food production, and the formal rights and protections built into the TFWP, combined with a de-emphasis of the evidence of persistent systemic issues in the protection of migrant workers from mistreatment. The findings support a theoretical framework of managed migration based on a combination of Labour Market Segmentation Theory and the New Economics of Labour Migration, in which the devaluation of agricultural work in the domestic labour market and the disruption of traditional economies by neoliberal global market forces generate a demand for and supply of migrant labour, respectively. The paper’s conclusion provides directions for further research to expand academic knowledge of migrant labour discourse and migration theory, as well as recommendations for policy makers, the agri-food industry, and advocacy groups for productive policy discussions that find consensus on ways to protect and improve the conditions of migrant farm workers.

At the end of the twentieth century, as social democratic parties around the world struggled to produce a coherent response to the deindustrialization crisis, many pivoted towards progressive neoliberalism and Third Way social democracy. Almost everywhere, they turned their backs on the weakened trade union movement and embraced neoliberal assumptions about labour force flexibility and global competition. Shamefully, Third Way social democrats emphasized the moral dimension of poverty rather than its structural causes as they abandoned the old redistributive class politics of the Left. Based on extensive archival research and interviews with NDP politicians, senior economic policy advisors, and trade unionists, The Left in Power examines the response of the political Left in Ontario to the crisis that gripped the old ‘industrialized world.’ Steven High revisits the heartbreaking years of Bob Rae’s Ontario NDP government—from their historic and unexpected 1990 victory, to their policy shifts that left working-class voters feeling betrayed, to their landslide defeat in 1995—to uncover what we can learn from one social democratic party’s mistakes about how to govern from the Left. --Publisher's description

Higher unionization rates don't just benefit workers, evidence suggests they also offer broad social benefits like a cleaner environment and better health. [Includes tables.] --Website description

Background: In western Canada, Manitoba is a critical hub for a large population of migrant workers. Usually with limited English or French language ability and possessing limited rights and protections under the current TFWP, Temporary foreign workers (TFWs) are often tied to a single employer, leaving them vulnerable to employer abuse and the under-reporting of workplace injuries and illnesses due to the threat of deportation. Within the context of the COVID-19 pandemic, when my dissertation research began, the many cases seen among TFWs in Manitoba raises additional important public health questions on the health and wellbeing of migrant workers in Manitoba that I discuss in this dissertation. Methodology: In close collaboration with Migrante Manitoba (MB), I conducted a qualitative study to explore the precarious lives of migrant workers during the COVID-19 pandemic. I virtually interviewed 20 migrant workers who entered Canada through the TFWP, employed either as seasonal agricultural workers (n=7) or TFWs (n=13). Thirteen TFWs came from Philippines and seven farmworkers from Mexico (n=6) and Jamaica (n=1). Theoretical contribution: I developed the notion of transnational circuits of precarity to understand the multiple temporal-spatial layers of precarity that migrant workers encounter along their journeys to Manitoba. This multivalent concept is comprised of the following interconnected pieces: 1) a broader political economic “force-field” that compels the movement of human labour resources from the global South to the global North; 2) the rigid and regulated pathway put in place to ensure workers arrival at their work destinations; 3) the process of making “model minorities” through training programs that ensure the “smooth” transition of workers in their host country; and 4) the affective economy that is fueled by workers’ hopes, dreams, and desires. Altogether, these seemingly disparate processes articulate to produce complex temporal and spatial realities that shape the precarious trajectories of migrant workers. Such a paradigm shift away from the narrow temporal and spatial limits of a focus on “occupational health hazards” will be critical if workers are to realize any meaningful and substantive changes to their overall physical and mental well-being.

Wage-earner funds (löntagarfonder) in Sweden and the Fonds de solidarité ftq in Québec, both founded in 1983, are two of the most significant examples of collective workers' investment funds run by unions. This article situates the political context of their emergence in the neoliberal turn of social democracy in the early 1980s. In Sweden, the wage-earner funds were initially proposed as a radical anti-capitalist project in 1975, but the Social Democratic Party leadership developed the idea into a qualitatively distinct plan aimed at increasing investment capital available for private firms, as part of its new market-accommodating program. In Québec, the Fédération des travailleurs du Québec (ftq) proposed the solidarity fund as it moved toward concertation and away from the democratic economic planning and autogestion (worker self-management) that it had championed in the 1970s. In both cases, pro-market forces within organized labour proposed the funds so that workers' capital could be used to stimulate private, for-profit investment, while recuperating elements of earlier labour radicalism that had sought to enhance workers' power over capital. Built with an institutional orientation toward the incorporation of workers into financial capitalism, these collective workers' funds represent a neoliberal shift within organized labour in Sweden and Québec, two places where labour is comparatively well organized.

Over the last several decades, the workplace in Canada has experienced profound changes. Work has become increasingly insecure for a growing number of workers, and income inequality has deepened. New technologies have reshaped labour processes and have enhanced elements of employer control over work and workers. Entry into the labour market is itself a difficult process, as young workers struggle to match qualifications and credentials with jobs, while for many older workers, retirement with a secure income is a diminishing prospect. The demographic composition of the labour market is transforming, yet this change is conditioned by longstanding patterns of inequality in terms of gender, race, disability, and immigration status. Work and Labour in Canada explores the changing world of work, mapping out major trends and patterns that define working life and identifying the economic, social, and political factors that shape the contemporary workplace. Evaluating working conditions and the quality of jobs from a critical perspective, this text presents an analysis of recent trends in employment and unemployment as well as outlines the role and impact of unions and other workers’ organizations. The fourth edition includes a new chapter on work and technology, updated statistical data, and additional content on the basic income debate, labour and climate change, and COVID-19. This thoroughly revised and updated edition is essential for teachers, researchers, labour activists, and students of labour studies, sociology, political science, political economy, and economic geography programs. --Publisher's description

How have workplaces in Quebec's unionized private sector adapted to recent labour shortages? Based on original qualitative and quantitative data, we show that these shortages have affected collective bargaining, collective agreements, work organization, working conditions and union life. As a result, workplace actors have had to be pragmatic in adjusting their practices in response to disruptions caused by labour shortages. The originality of our research lies in its broad perspective on the consequences of labour market tension for labour relations, thus highlighting unexplored and unprecedented effects, both positive and negative on employers, workers and unions.

How have workplaces in Quebec's unionized private sector adapted to recent labour shortages? Based on original qualitative and quantitative data, we show that these shortages have affected collective bargaining, collective agreements, work organization, working conditions and union life. As a result, workplace actors have had to be pragmatic in adjusting their practices in response to disruptions caused by labour shortages. The originality of our research lies in its broad perspective on the consequences of labour market tension for labour relations, thus highlighting unexplored and unprecedented effects, both positive and negative, on employers, workers and unions.

An article from Relations industrielles / Industrial Relations, on Érudit.

An article from Relations industrielles / Industrial Relations, on Érudit.

In France, 7.5% of the total number of 15-64 year-olds recognized as disabled are in employment, i.e. 39%, compared with 68% for these age groups as a whole: this means that a vulnerable population remains a long way from employment. In contrast to the United Nations Committee on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities, which seeks to eliminate segregation in employment and promote an open labor market, work-based support establishments and services (ESAT) aim to play a key role in helping people with disabilities access employment. They offer professional activity as well as medical, social and educational support in a protected environment. Our research does not assume that ESAT are models of inclusive organization but gives a voice to the workers and staff of these structures specialized in supporting work activity. If the aim of autonomy support is to create an enabling environment, according to the capabilities approach, our problem is to demonstrate the extent to which support in a situation of vulnerability encourages the development of autonomy with the aim of inclusion in the workplace. The analysis of testimonials from 70 people from 12 volunteer ESATs (54 hours of face-to-face interviews) identifies the demands and needs related to this support. The characteristics of the population surveyed are representative of those of the entire population of the ESATs studied and the interviews cover all the ESATs in the study in a balanced manner. The results inspire inclusive management practices in the workplace, based on mutual understanding that empowers people. They renew the concept of developing autonomy, defined not as a goal of self-sufficiency, but as a process of overcoming vulnerability through a supportive relationship. Care, a relationship of kindness and high standards, central to this approach, becomes the way to deal with vulnerability.

Canada is a country whose economy benefits considerably from migrant workers in the Temporary Foreign Worker Program (TFWP). With little protection from workplace exploitation, as well as unclear and constantly changing immigration policies, migrant workers often lose their legal immigration status due to conditions out of their control, becoming non-status. Living in the shadows and without access to most publicly funded services, non-status migrants experience a myriad of chronic daily stressors. In partnership with non-status community members, this Community-based Participatory Research project explores the question, “In what ways does a lack of status influence the psychosocial well-being of non-status migrants in Alberta?”. Both non-status migrants and service providers participated in semi-structured interviews, while a group of service providers working in mental health also participated in a focus group interview. The interpretation of this study’s findings was guided by the socio-ecological systems framework. Non-status realities were described from the perspective of both non-status migrants and service providers. Findings included insights into how the TFWP creates systemic vulnerabilities for migrant workers and facilitates the loss of immigration status. This lack of status led to a scarcity of access to most basic services and resources, leading to significant detrimental impacts on psychosocial well-being. This produced internalized experiences of shame and un-belonging, as well as a range of deleterious mental health outcomes. Furthermore, the impacts associated with a lack of access were significantly exacerbated by a discriminatory and hostile sociopolitical environment. Recommendations centered around the inclusion of non-status migrants in collaborative partnerships with service providers and policymakers alike. In light of these findings and recommendations, the implications for counselling psychology practice are also illuminated.

This article reviews the book, "Transpacific Reform and Revolution: The Chinese in North America, 1898-1918," by Zhongping Chen.

Using post-structural theories, this paper explores the public discourses of several Canadian teacher unions and grassroots teacher activist groups around the issue of school reopening plans in Canada amidst the COVID-19 pandemic. The paper aims to highlight the ways in which these two forces of teacher activism can influence and impress upon each other to create a different possible future for collective resistance to neoliberalism in education – an assemblage of union and grassroots activism intra-acting, shaping, and impressing upon one another.

Workers may experience job desperation, characterized by frustration, pressure to quit and readiness to take extreme steps to secure a new job position. We examined the psychometric properties of a French-language version of the Job Desperation Scale by administering a survey to three independent cohorts of French-speaking employees, with a view to assessing the antecedents of job search behaviour and intention to quit. The first (n = 253) and second (n = 184) cohorts, composed of employees from France and Canada respectively, responded to the survey for the exploratory and confirmatory stages of analysis. The third sample (n = 252) of French employees responded both to the survey and to additional measures that typically identify antecedents of job search behaviour and turnover intention. The findings confirm the single-factor structure and robustness of the French-language version. More importantly, they show the substantial and incremental predictive power of job desperation in explaining job search behaviour and turnover intention. These insights help explain job desperation as a critical factor in contemporary labour markets and contribute to the vocational behaviour literature.

How did labour fare in 2024? In many ways, the Canadian labour market and labour movement are both looking more like they did pre-pandemic. Hopes of using the relatively robust post-pandemic economy as a springboard to build something better seem to largely be fading. Strike activity was down considerably in 2024, after reaching historic heights the previous year, by some measures. Wage growth has cooled, even as unions continue to seek pay increases to account for post-pandemic inflation. While some legislative gains were made this past year, governments also intervened in several important labour actions to end or pre-empt strikes and to come to the aid of employers who locked out their workers. In particular, the federal government has been especially coercive in its use of back-to-work orders.... Introduction