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Using panel data from a large sample of Canadian establishments, the authors examine whether there is any link between adoption of an employee profit-sharing plan and subsequent employee earnings. Overall, growth in employee earnings during the five-year period subsequent to adoption of profit sharing was significantly higher in establishments that had adopted profit sharing, as compared with those establishments that had not done so. Employees in establishments that paid high wages before profit sharing adoption appeared to benefit more than employees in other establishments, although employees in other establishments did eventually benefit from profit sharing.

Mobile Living Across Europe II: Causes and Consequences of Job-Related Spatial Mobility in Cross-National Comparison, edited by Norbert F. Schneider and Beate Collet, is reviewed.

The article reviews the book, "Labor's Civil War in California: The NUHW Healthcare Workers' Rebellion," by Cal Winslow.

Uranium miners in Elliot Lake went on a wildcat strike in 1974 to protest their occupational health concerns on the job after a spike in cancer cases. They learned that the provincial government had known of the poor working conditions causing their illnesses, but had not informed them of the dangers or acted to improve their situation. As a result of union and political pressure, the Ontario government created the Ham Commission to investigate and make recommendations. Its hearings revealed the industry's scandalous conditions, and its report eventually resulted in the Ontario Health and Safety (OHS) Act in Ontario. It did not cover the miners until 1984, so they worked through their internal health and safety committees to gain improvements in the work environment. Others have discussed this situation in relation to the emergence of the OHS and environmental movements. This paper discusses the events in terms of the mine owners' attitudes towards their employees, the industry's relationship to governments, and the impact of the uranium mining industry (part of the nuclear industry) on the local community and environment.

In February 1913, when a teacher at Montreal's Aberdeen School made disparaging remarks about her Jewish pupils, five boys called a strike. Hundreds of Jewish children congregated in the park across from the school where they appointed strike leaders, established a negotiating committee, and resolved not to return to class until the teacher apologized. Some of them marched to the Baron de Hirsch Institute and the newspaper office of the Keneder Adler to demand that action be taken. The Aberdeen students showed maturity in their understanding of "the strike" as a strategic response to perceived injustice, their politicization with respect to relations between the Jewish and Anglo-Protestant communities, and class consciousness. The years 1912 and 1913 had been arduous for working-class Jews living along the St-Laurent Street corridor who experienced a lengthy tailors' strike followed by an economic depression. The youthful strikers were acutely aware of the difficulties of being both working class and Jewish. We argue that the collective actions of the Aberdeen School strikers reveal a close connection to the labour activism of their parents and to the downtown Jewish community. Their response to the teacher's anti-Semitic comments is an example of the historical agency of children.

The article presents research which focuses on the public works workers' strike in Québec in June 1878. It demonstrates the organization of this group of workers who fought against the repressive forces of employers and the government. It discusses Québec's industrial activities during the early 19th century which included forest product exportation and shipbuilding and the eruption of labor strikes and unrest in the U.S. and Canada during the second half of the 19th century and public works seen as secure employment during that time in Québec. It focuses on the construction of new parliamentary buildings in Québec overseen by former conservative minister and entrepreneur Simon-Xavier Cimon and the construction site workers' general strike which lasted from June 3 to June 15, 1878.

The article reviews the book, "La sueur des autres. Les fils d'Érin et le canal Beauharnois," by Roland Viau.

The article reviews the book, "Foucault: His Thought, His Character," by Paul Veyne, translated by Janet Lloyd.

"Canadian Labour in Crisis: Reinventing the Workers' Movement," by David Camfield, is reviewed.

The article reviews the book, "One Company, Diverse Workplaces:The Social Construction of Employment Practices in Western and Eastern Europe," by Marta Kahancova.

The article reviews the book, "Harvest Pilgrims: Mexican and Caribbean Migrant Farm Workers in Canada," by Vincenzo Pietropaolo.

This paper focuses on measuring how much the work values and attitudes of young Quebec workers differ from those of older workers. We analyze the three core dimensions of the work relationship, i.e. the centrality of work, its principal finality, and attitudes towards the dominant managerial norms. We build our analyses on the data from a 2007 survey questionnaire administered to 1,000 workers representative of the Quebec labour force aged 18 years or more and not in full-time study. According to our study, although worker values and attitudes do not diverge significantly among the age groups surveyed, young people tend to attach less importance to work than do older workers and their aspirations towards work are not as high. Nevertheless, their adherence to the dominant managerial norms slightly exceeds that of their elders. Consequently, branding young people on the basis of their work values and attitudes fails to reflect observed reality, at least insofar as the centrality and finality of work and attitudes about managerial norms are concerned. For each of the target dimensions, employment status and level of training apparently outweigh age class as determinants shaping values and attitudes.

The article reviews the book, "Stayin' Alive: The 1970s and the Last Days of the Working Class," by Jefferson Cowie.

The article reviews the book, "American Railroad Labor and the Genesis of the New Deal, 1919-1935," by Jon R. Huibregtse.

This article explores how women forest workers’ perceptions of restructuring are related to their work identities. Drawing on semi‐structured interviews with 29 women working in subsidiaries of a multinational forest company in northern Saskatchewan, I describe how women workers selectively drew on traditional mill worker and flexible worker identities to legitimize and delegitimize restructuring. Women's understandings of themselves as workers were shaped by their paradoxical relationships to standard forest processing work. Some women with previous experience working in low‐waged service industries adopted worker subjectivities that legitimized restructuring and valued flexibility, individual empowerment, and mobility. Other women delegitimized restructuring, referencing traditional characterizations of forest work that valued community stability, collective resistance, and security. Many women, however, neither consistently legitimized nor delegitimized restructuring throughout their interviews. This last group's ambiguous portrayal of work and restructuring demonstrates the identity dilemmas faced by new entrants to declining industrial sectors. Restructuring interrupted women's narratives of having found a “good job” in forestry and prompted the renegotiation of their understandings of mill work. This article contributes to our understanding of restructuring in resource industries by drawing attention to how worker identities, gender, and industrial change are interrelated.

The article reviews the book, "The Gospel of the Working Class: Labor's Southern Prophets in New Deal America," by Erik S. Gellman and Jared Roll.

The article reviews the book, "The Taming of the American Crowd: From Stamp Riots to Shopping Sprees," by Al Sandine.

Social movements are significant to change mainstream ideologies and values over what is seen to be critical for society. The women´s movement helped to change ideas about women and their roles in society. One significant change, for more universal maternity, only occurred through the alliance with CUPW. This paper will illustrate that the alliance between the women´s movement and CUPW was significant to change public opinion and help to gain paid maternity leave for the majority of working women in Canada. In sum, the power these two groups generated in alliance produced one of the most important social benefits we currently enjoy as Canadian citizens. As a result, alliances are powerful and should be used to further any movement to towards equality.

The article reviews "Street Vendors in the Global Urban Economy" by Sharit Bhowmik.