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The choice of the years 1905 to 1919 as the formative years of the trade union movement in Saskatchewan was by no means arbitrary. The years 1905 marked the formation of the first permanent, non-railway local union. The intervening years until 1919 were years of further formation and consolidation, of recognition and entrenchment, of expansion and demise, of hope and of failure. The fifteen years in question were the heyday of the craft unions, and more specifically of the building trades which expanded to meet the demands of a new and rapidly developing province. Like the people of the province, generally these unions expressed great optimism for the future. At times their expansion showed a distinct lack of rhyme or reason, but then no one was overly concerned with caution. Besides, there was no reason to be cautious when crops were good and there was an ever-increasing number of acres from which these crops could be gleaned. Only with the war was this optimistic speculation checked; only then did organized labour realize that security was an obscure quantity, quick to disappear, and that the position of the workingman had to be bolstered by means which were at variance with the established order. The upheaval of 1919 which resulted produced a Thermidorean reaction, the legacy of which had its effects throughout the 1920's and even into the 1930's.

This study sees the 1900 strike on the Fraser River as providing the setting in which trade unions began in the fisheries of British Columbia, and analyzes both the strike itself and its background from that point of view. In the two decades to 1890, the Fraser River salmon canning industry grew relatively slowly, limited by the problems of developing techniques for processing, finding labor for packing, and accumulating capital from profits. In the 10 years to 1900, these difficulties had been mostly overcome, and fresh capital, attracted by sizeable profits, nearly tripled the number of canneries. This boom ended in a crisis of over-expansion, marked by strikes and company mergers. One unforeseen effect of license limitation in the seasons I889-I89I was a change from paying fishermen a daily wage to paying them at so much per fish, and consequently the start of a series of disputes between canners and fishermen over fish prices. Though in general prices rose throughout the 1890*s, the individual fishermen failed to benefit, partly because of price cuts and limits on deliveries during periods of a heavy supply of fish, and partly because of the increasing number of fishermen licensed in each succeeding year. In an attempt to increase their bargaining strength, white resident fishermen campaigned for changes in federal fishery regulations to restrict competition from Japanese and American fishermen, and to reduce the number of cannery licenses. The first fishermen's organization, formed in 1893 to further this end, did not survive its unrelated involvement in a strike that year against price cuts. The amendments to the fishery regulations in 1894 and, to an even greater degree, in 1898 reflected the success of this group in gaining their ends by political means. To try to redress the balance, the canners created in 1898 their own closely-knit organization, the British Columbia Salmon Packers’ Association. The difficulties of the seasons of 1898 and 1899, basically caused by over-expansion, led the canners to tighten their organization further by creating in January, 1900, the Fraser River Canners’ Association, a cannery combine with power to set maximum fish prices and production quotas for each cannery, and to levy fines on violators of its decisions. About the same time, and partly in reaction to the canners' move, separate unions of fishermen were organized, first at New Westminster, then at Vancouver. The Vancouver union tried and failed to enroll Japanese fishermen who formed in June, 1900, the Japanese Fishermen's Benevolent Society. The Canners’ Association refused to negotiate prices with fishermen's union representatives or to set a minimum price for sockeye. When the sockeye season opened July 1 the fishermen struck, demanding 25 cents a fish through the season. By July 10, the strike included all fishermen on the river—white, Japanese and Indian. After another week, the Canners' Association felt forced to negotiate and in a series of meetings the two sides came close to settlement. At this point, however, the canners broke off negotiations and made a separate agreement with the Japanese for 20 cents for the first 600 fish in a week and 15 cents thereafter. The canners then provoked an "incident" as an excuse for three friendly justices of the peace to call out the militia to Steveston. In spite of the Japanese defection and the presence of the militia, the remaining strikers held out for another week. Mediation by E. P. Bremner, Dominion Labor Commissioner, and Francis Carter-Cotton, publisher of the Vancouver News-Advertiser, secured them a negotiated settlement which, though not including any union recognition, guaranteed 19 cents throughout the season. This success led to the creation in January, 1901, of the Grand Lodge of British Columbia Fishermen's Unions, the first coast-wide fishermen's organization in British Columbia. The strike marked the beginning of continuous union activity in the industry and the start of a tradition of radical leadership that persists to the present day.

In the midst of swirling snow and bitter temperatures, Grand Trunk locomotive engineers and firemen struck work on December 29, 1876. Hundreds of men were involved as this four-day Canadian strike marked the beginning of one of the greatest years of labor unrest in North American history. From the evening of December 29, 1876, to the morning of January 3, 1877, the Grand Trunk men refused to work and tried to persuade others not to take their places. [...]This study of the Grand Trunk strike is based primarily upon material found in the Canadian newspapers, the Monthly Journal of the Brotherhood of Locomotive Engineers and public records.

This thesis purports to be a narrative account of the factors leading up to the building of the Lachine Canal and the problems dealt with, while it was under construction. In his research, the author found that sources, primary and secondary, bearing directly on the canal, were scarce. This may help to explain the inability to come to more definite conclusions concerning sorne matters raised here. Hugh G.J. Aitken's Welland Canal Company often served as a guidepost while this work was in progress. Although the author found it impossible to emulate that excellent study, it is hoped that this thesis will cast sorne light on an unexplored area of Canadian economic history.

The period under study is the formative period of working-class political action in this province. The conditions and events of this time form the foundation upon which the Socialist Party of Canada, the Federated Labor Party, the Co-operative Commonwealth Federation, and the Labor Progressive Party grew to be important factors in British Columbia affairs. Consideration of this period is therefore highly relevant to any evaluation or assessment of these organizations. The wage-workers of British Columbia began to organize into unions in significant numbers in the 1880's. Being concerned with improving their lot as workers, some of the unionists turned toward the idea of taking class action on the political field in order to obtain favorable legislation. In the economic sphere, the main complaint of the workers during this period was that the many Chinese in the province worked long hours for low wages, and thus tended to lower the living standards of those who had to compete with them. Another complaint with economic as well as political aspects was that much of the land and resources of British Columbia had been alienated to such corporations as the Esquimalt and Nanaimo Railway Company and the Canadian Pacific Railway. In their political action the workers demanded a solution of these grievances, and in the case of the latter were strongly attracted to the doctrine of "single tax." They also expressed a wish for government-sponsored arbitration and conciliation procedures which would settle labor-management disputes in a peaceful manner. The demands for political reform were occasioned by the use of government in the interests of the wealthy element of the community, and were very much influenced by American and socialist ideas. The basic principle involved was that of “direct democracy”, including the initiative, referendum, and recall, and it persisted throughout the whole period in various forms. The first election to be contested by labor candidates was the provincial election of 1886. Pour candidates ran in Victoria and Nanaimo, and all were defeated. At this time the Knights of Labor was at the peak of its power. The organization soon declined, and its place was occupied in most cases by trade unions. In 1890 the Nanaimo miners' union succeeded in electing two members to the British Columbia legislature. Although these members were unable to carry through any of their own measures, their presence led to the passage of a mechanics' lien law and an arbitration and conciliation act. In 1894 the miners’ candidates were defeated but the Nationalist Party of Vancouver, a labor organization, succeeded in getting Robert Macpherson elected. Although not always strictly a labor representative, Macpherson was generally a protagonist of the cause of labor. In the 1896 federal election the Nationalists also initiated the successful candidature of Rev. George R. Maxwell, who remained in parliament until his death in 1902. In 1898 Nanaimo labor recovered part of the lost ground by electing Ralph Smith to Victoria. Smith changed to the federal field in 1900, was elected, and remained in parliament until 1911. However, he was very closely linked to the Liberal Party, and in 1902 was repudiated by the Nanaimo miners. The 1900 provincial election was the high point of labor political action in this period. Labor Candidates with reform programs appeared in Vancouver and Nanaimo. The Western Federation of Miners in the southern Interior supported non-labor candidates pledged to defend the new eight-hour law for metal-miners. All the W.F.M.-backed candidates and one Nanaimo labor man were elected. This election saw the first appearance of the term "Socialist” as the official designation of a candidate — Will MacClain. The period 1900-1906 witnessed the decline of reformist ”laborism” and the rise of socialism as a political force in the province, culminating in the capture of a Labor Party convention by members of the Socialist Party of Canada. A study of this period has a special relevance to the present political situation in British Columbia. We are now in a time of re-alignment and re-orientation of political forces, the understanding of which demands an appraisal of past political changes. The events and situations recounted and analyzed here, since they are concerned with a period of political experimentation, may afford us useful light on present changes.

The people who live in the City of Montreal are exceedingly various. There are officially two languages and unofficially dozens. Many areas of the city provide examples of "culture islands"--Those fast-disappearing settlements of "alien" peoples who preserve their alien ways of life in a new country, and so impart to the latter "atmosphere" and "flavour". To serve and satisfy the various demands of these people there are many and different institutions making it possible for individuals, if they wish, to live their entire lives in their native atmospheres.

Discusses the rise and decline of the Canadian Knights of Labor, including their economic ideas and political activities. Originating from the US, the Knights were established in the 1880s in Canada, where they rapidly became influential advocates of of labour reform (e.g., the 8-hour day). Concludes that their decline in the late1890s was precipitated by internal dissension and the lack of a clear program. The research is drawn mainly from contemporary newspaper accounts.

The corporate management system which was utilized by the Government of Canada in order to meet the demands of war involved that Government, both directly and indirectly, with the Labour Movement. This thesis attemptsto outline the development of collective bargaining in that segment of the war economy which was directly controlled by Government through agencies which it created; that is, this thesis will deal with the salient pointsof collective bargaining in those wartime creatures of the Dominion of Canada - the crown companies which were established by the Department of Munitions and Supply in order to prosecute the war. ...During World War II, the relations between the Canadian Government and its organized and unorganized employees became the subject of much confused debate and bitter argument. It is important, in view of what has been said heretofore, that the wartime labour relations of the Canadian government and its agencies, on the one hand, and the trade union movement, on the other hand, should not be lost sight of in planning for full employment. If the experiences of the war are remembered and applied in the national interest, much controversy and strife can be avoided as and when the policy of full employment is put into practice.

Organization of the teachers of Alberta was, in the words of the late Dr. J.W. Barnett, "the product of rebellion," rebellion against conditions which developed during the First World War. Education in Alberta was, in some respects, at a very low ebb. The teachers, disgusted with the seeming hopelessness of their position, existing at what was merely a subsistence level and knowing no security in their positions, were leaving the profession in large numbers. ...It was fortunate that among the teachers of Alberta there were some who were convinced of the value of their service and who were willing to brave resentment and disapproval and to devote themselves to the difficult task of forming an organization of teachers outside the control of government officials. --Introduction, Chapter 1

The scope of this work has been limited to a discussion of employer-employee relationships in the field of metal mining and does not include consideration of labour problems in connection with the production of coal, non-metallic ores, or structural materials. The Introductory part deals with the early history of gold, mining and the subsequent discovery and development of the base-metal resources of the province. In this connection, a study is made of the geographical distribution and extent of these natural resources. A series of charts indicate* the locations of the major producing areas within British Columbia. The expansion of the industry through the years is now considered and developments are traced leading to the present scale of operations. Comparative graphs are presented indicating production scales, average price movements and employment statistics with regard to each of the major metals produced in the province. Attention is now directed to the development of trade unionism in the industry. This deals with the early history of the Western Federation of Miners and the later growth of the International Union of Mine, Mill and Smelter Workers, which now represents organized labour in the metal mines. The role of government in labour relations is shown to be an important factor. A study is made of the effects of such legislative enactments, as, the Industrial Disputes investigation Act, the Wartime. Labour Relations Regulations Act (P.O.1003), and the Industrial Conciliation and Arbitration Act of British Columbia. Under the provisions of the last-mentioned act, which provides definite procedures for collective bargaining, some eighteen agreements are now in effect. Two of these actual agreements between the union and major producers have been made the subject for special study in the presentation of this phase of the subject. The strike record of the industry is now dealt with and the account of events leading up to the strike of 1946 among the gold producers is presented as being illustrative of the procedures followed. The present impasse of 1948 involving the same producers is shown to be an aftermath of the 1946 dispute. The discussion is concluded with an appraisal of present working conditions obtaining in the industry and current trends and indications are considered which would appear to have a bearing on future employer-employee relationships and the general welfare of the labour force, in the metal-mining industry.

Discusses factors conducive to the growth of BC socialist movement in the early 20th century including British Fabianism, left-wing unions, political and economic tensions between Eastern and Western Canada, and Vancouver's influence as an industrial and ideological hub. Chronicles political developments and labour activity with particular reference to newspaper accounts.

Today every citizen secures some minimum of education; and the majority of parents regard the schooling of their children as a matter to be taken for granted. The school leaving age, of course, varies with the standards of the community and its laws. But all public school students, particularly of adolescent age, must sooner or later consider this academic work partly as the training for some specific occupation, career, or job. The important question before the community today, then, is a classification of the relationships between the educations we give and the vocations we seek. Such a problem involves an understanding of the primary school system and its adequacy; the relation of elementary to secondary and higher types of education; the facilities for technical and commercial training, the demands of current and future industry, and the present methods (and lack of them) by which young persons pass from school to employment.

The pages of this "historical thesis" have been developed with the realization that many teachers, and others interested in the professional activities of teachers, would like to have made available a compilation of material concerning Canadian teachers' organizations. The facts presented deal with the Canadian Teachers' Federation, and provincíal organizations affiliated with the Dominion body; and while not as complete as could be desired they do give a panoramic picture from West to East of the twelve provincial organizations united into a co-operative whole by the Canadian Teachers' Federation. Canadian teachers' organizations have had some share in the development of Canadian educational systems and methods. The recognition by two of our provincial governments of the principle of exclusive membership in statutory professional teachers' organizations will doubtless enable teachers and educational specialists to use their influence more effectively. --Author's preface

The survival of the French Canadians as a distinct ethnic group in the midst of a much larger and more pervasive English-speaking society is, in many ways, usique in the history of race and culture contact. Numbering some 60,000 at the time of the British conquest of Canada in 1163, the French, by virtue of a high rate of natural increase, have grown to almost 3,000,000 in this country. The traditions and customs peculiar to French Canada center around the most cherished elements of its culture: the French language and the Catholic religion. These, in contrast to English Protestantism, are the main distinguishing factors between the two major ethnic groups in the Province of Quebec. Essentialy local and personal, and wedded to the soil, the traditional French Canadian culture, while protected by constitutional guarantees, developed and expanded in a state of comparative isolation. During the last few decades, however, secular conditions essential to the maintenance of cultural separateness have been disappearing steadily. Economic expansion, spreading from technically more advanced societies to undeveloped regions, has been the universal agent of culture contact and concentration of population in large urban centres....

Immigration is intended as an adjustment from one set of conditions to a more satisfactory environment. This thesis attempts to cover the adjustments in the means and modes of living of two irmnigrant groups in Montreal, Canada, the Italians and the Finns, and to present several general hypotheses concerning the assimilation process in these fields. The effects of the economic depression on these processes are noted. Spatial adjustment and chances in family organization are included in so far as these relate to our main points of reference. The principal source of information has been the family budgets of representative samples of the two groups. The Italians, of agricultural backgrounds, have settled near the periphery of Montreal. They have entered the building trades, dock labour, and factory trades. They exhibit a strong family unity. They are assimilating slowly towards the French. The Finnish men are migratory. Their employment is largely in the lumbering, mining,,farming and building industries. The women are domestic servants. The Finns have settled in a downtown area. They are assimilating quickly towards the English.

It is perhaps not surprising that existing studies of British migration to Canada deal primarily with settlement on the land. The Canadian government has made strenuous efforts to encourage immigration of this sort; there is something of glamour, too, about the movement to the last frontier on the prairies of western Canada. Yet all the while immigration has been flowing in equal volume into the industrial centres of the east. While the eyes of the nation were fixed on schemes of Empire settlement, tens of thousands of Britishers were slipping almost unnoticed into Toronto, Montreal and other metropolitan areas. In 1921 there were 54,807 persons of British birth resident in Montreal; sinoe that time over 75,000 new immigrants from Britain have given the Province of Quebec (in effect, Montreal) as their destination. A movement of this size cannot but have had profound repercussions both upon the life of the city and upon the lives of the immigrants themselves. The study of these repercussions constitutes an almost unexplored field.

...It is in the hope of at arriving at an understanding of the reason for the comparative failure of the Socialist movement in Canada that I am attempting this brief outline of its origin and progress. --From introduction