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Across North America, Indigenous acts of resistance have in recent years opposed the removal of federal protections for forests and waterways in Indigenous lands, halted the expansion of tar sands extraction and the pipeline construction at Standing Rock, and demanded justice for murdered and missing Indigenous women. In As We Have Always Done, Leanne Betasamosake Simpson locates Indigenous political resurgence as a practice rooted in uniquely Indigenous theorizing, writing, organizing, and thinking. Indigenous resistance is a radical rejection of contemporary colonialism focused around refusing the dispossession of Indigenous bodies and land. Simpson makes clear that the resistance's goal can no longer be cultural resurgence as a mechanism for inclusion in a multicultural mosaic. Instead, she calls for unapologetic, place-based Indigenous alternatives to the destructive logics of the settler colonial state, including heteropatriarchy, white supremacy, and capitalist exploitation. --Publisher's description.

In Saskatchewan Federation of Labour v. Saskatchewan (SFL v. Saskatchewan, 2015), the Supreme Court of Canada ruled that freedom of association in the Charter of Rights and Freedoms includes a collective ability for workers to strike. This decision was the latest in a series of cases in which the Supreme Court ruled that workers’ abilities to collectively bargain and strike are essential components of the constitutional protection of freedom of association. Using these decisions as a starting point, this paper reviews the uneven way that the court has elevated the associational freedoms of workers. The paper argues that the court’s balancing act between the collective freedoms of workers and the individual rights of employers conceals the material imbalance that has historically shaped capitalist social relations both inside and outside of the state. The paper argues further that these decisions have opened an important legal space for new mobilization strategies for working-class activists.

Announces the co-editorship of Charles Smith and Joan Sangster for this volume, and gratefully acknowledges the work of former editors as well as funding from OPSEU. The journal is a joint partnership of the Canadian Committee on Labour History and the Canadian Association of Work Studies. Seeks submissions that reflect new directions in the study of the workplace and labour, including analyses of labour and the state, feminist political economy, strikes and workplace conflict, union renewal, new models of worker organizing, environmental justice, Indigenous struggles inside and outside the workplace, global workers’ movements, anti-racism campaigns, lgbtq2s struggles. Also welcomes contributions on the social world of work, e.g., popular and working-class cultures, the gendered and racialized experiences of workers, the intersections between colonialism and labour, and the many permutations of labour in the past and present – informal, paid, unpaid, coerced, voluntary.

This article reviews the book, "Towards a Global History of Domestic and Caregiving Workers," edited by Dirk Hoerder, Elise van Nederveen Meerkerk, and Silke Neunsinger.

The article reviews the book, "The Future of Work: Super-Exploitation and Social Precariousness in the 21st Century," by Adrián Sotelo Valencia.

This article reviews the book, "Worth Fighting For: Canada's Tradition of War Resistance from 1812 to the War on Terror," edited by Lara Campbell, Michael Dawson, and Catherine Gidney.

The article reviews the book, "Cyber-Proletariat: Global Labour in the Digital Vortex," by Nick Dyer-Witheford.

Paid work associated with digital platform businesses (in taxi, delivery, maintenance and other functions) embodies features which complicate the application of traditional labour regulations and employment standards. This article reviews the extent of this type of work in Australia, and its main characteristics. It then considers the applicability of existing employment regulations to these ‘gig’ jobs, citing both Australian and international legislation and case law. There is considerable uncertainty regarding the scope of traditional regulations, minimum standards and remedies in the realm of irregular digitally mediated work. Regulators and policymakers should consider how to strengthen and expand the regulatory framework governing gig work. The article notes five major options in this regard: enforcement of existing laws; clarifying or expanding definitions of ‘employment’; creating a new category of ‘independent worker’; creating rights for ‘workers’, not employees; and reconsidering the concept of an ‘employer’. We review the pros and cons of these approaches and urge regulators to be creative and ambitious in better protecting the minimum standards and conditions of workers in these situations.

This article reviews "Liberating Temporariness?: Migration, Work, and Citizenship in an Age of Insecurity," edited by Leah F. Vosko, Valerie Preston, and Robert Latham, "When Care Work Goes Global: Locating the Social Relations of Domestic Work," edited by Mary Romero, Valerie Preston, and Wenona Giles, and "Producing and Negotiating Non-Citizenship: Precarious Legal Status in Canada," edited by Luin Goldring and Patricia Landolt.

This book predicts the decline of today's professions and describes the people and systems that will replace them. In an Internet society, according to Richard Susskind and Daniel Susskind, we will neither need nor want doctors, teachers, accountants, architects, the clergy, consultants, lawyers, and many others, to work as they did in the 20th century.

The Canadian automotive industry underwent substantial restructuring between 2005 and 2014. This article draws on establishment-level data to examine these changes as they relate to both automotive assembly and automotive parts manufacturing. It also elucidates the limitations of using official government statistics to study the automotive industry. In addition to analyzing changes to the structure and composition of the industry, our data demonstrate that the industry employs far more people than are reported in official government statistics. We conclude that improvements to data collection methods are important for policy-makers to develop effective supports for the automotive industry.

This article provides a brief overview of the development of the Canadian approach to nonunion employee representation. For a century or more, nonunion representation vehicles have been used by workers and employers, without the attention, oversight and statutory regime that characterizes union-management relations. Nonunion representation rarely intersects with the law, and usually does so only when there is a collision between nonunion vehicles and trade unions during union organizing. Otherwise, the law is silent about nonunion representation. In the aftermath of the Supreme Court's contemporary analyses that commenced in 2001 with Dunmore, and moved through B.C. Health, Fraser, MPAO, and Meredith, the status of nonunion representation has not changed; these vehicles remain lawful. But there is considerable uncertainty about future directions. Might nonunion representation vehicles now be protected as collect- ives under the Charter, or will their somewhat sub-rosa nature remain? Should policy-makers and courts respect their maneuverability, or regulate them as inferior to unions? Certainly the Supreme Court has expressed distaste for these vehicles, as in the 2015 MPAO decision, but to what extent will this opprobrium find its way into Canadian law? We are at a crossroads, and if there is a legal challenge involving the status of nonunion collectives, there is no way of pre- dicting the outcome. In this article, the author discusses how an argument might be made that nonunion associations' activities could achieve Charter protection, and raises questions to which there are no clear answers.

Depuis plus d’un siècle, l’évolution de la recherche concernant la santé publique, en général, et les risques du travail, en particulier, est largement dominée par les besoins et stratégies des industriels. Ceux-ci interviennent, non seulement dans le financement des études menées, mais aussi dans leur conception, parvenant à faire subsister le doute là où la mise en danger est manifeste. L’un des principaux points d’appui de cette incertitude indéfiniment reconduite réside dans l’invisibilité des pathologies liées au travail, en particulier les cancers professionnels.S’appuyant sur des enquêtes pluridisciplinaires en sciences sociales et sciences de la vie — qui mettent en question le modèle dominant monocausal de compréhension des liens entre cancer et facteurs de risque — la première partie de cet article démontre comment une interprétation réductrice de la causalité du cancer permet cette incertitude indéfiniment reconduite, inscrite dans le « paradigme du doute », tout en faisant obstacle à la connaissance et à la reconnaissance des cancers professionnels. Deux études de cas dans le secteur minier français illustrent ensuite la remise en cause, toujours possible, de la dangerosité de cancérogènes parfaitement identifiés, et le déni de droits à la reconnaissance en maladie professionnelle des travailleurs atteints, les maintenant dans l’invisibilité. Ainsi, le paradigme du doute, qui domine la santé publique, permet-il aux industriels, mais aussi aux acteurs étatiques — aujourd’hui comme hier — de s’appuyer sur l’incertitude pour envisager favorablement la réouverture de sites miniers dans des régions habitées, sans prise en compte des enjeux sanitaires. L’épidémie de cancer ne cesse de progresser atteignant, en France, une incidence estimée de 385 000 nouveaux cas par an en 2015 (contre 150 000 en 1984). Mais le doute entretenu sur les effets sanitaires de risques industriels, dont les dangers sont pourtant avérés, favorise encore actuellement la poursuite des conditions de production de cancers futurs, en particulier chez les premiers concernés par l’exposition aux cancérogènes, à savoir les travailleurs. // Title in English: Industry-Oriented Science and the Invisibility of Occupational Cancers: Case Studies in the Mining Sector in France. For more than a century, the evolution of research relating to public health in general, and occupational risks in particular, has been largely dominated by industrial needs and strategies. They play a role, not only in the financing of the studies carried out, but also in their design, thus feeding into the uncertainty of where dangers exist. One of the main issues underlying this uncertainty relates to the invisibility of work-related diseases, and, in particular, occupational cancers.Based on multidisciplinary surveys in the social sciences and life sciences—which challenge the dominant monocausal model of understanding the links between cancer and risk factors—the first part of this article demonstrates how a reductive interpretation of the cause of cancer perpetuates uncertainty, inscribed under the ‘paradigm of doubt’, while hindering our knowledge and recognition of occupational cancers. Two case studies in the French mining sector illustrate how the danger of clearly identified carcinogens can always be called into question, and rights to the recognition of occupational diseases can be denied for workers who suffer, maintaining their invisibility.Hence, the paradigm of doubt, which dominates public health, allows industrialists, as well as state actors—today, as yesterday—to rely on uncertainty as a means of looking favourably at the reopening of mining sites in inhabited areas, without taking into account health issues. The cancer epidemic continues to grow, reaching an estimated incidence of 385,000 new cases per year in France in 2015 (compared with 150,000 in 1984). But the uncertainty about the health effects of industrial risks, the dangers of which are proven, still currently favours the continuation of conditions that will cause future cancers, particularly among those exposed to carcinogens, namely, the workers.

Thiis article reviews the book, "Hell’s History: The USW’s Fight to Prevent Workplace Deaths and Injuries from the 1992 Westray Mine," by Tom Sandborn.

This article discusses beauty contests held by the Communist Party (cp) in British Columbia during World War II. It presents two arguments. First, the article argues that the beauty contests symbolized the Communist Party's viewpoint on the role of women in left movements, and in society in general. Thus, cp beauty pageants possessed a two-sided nature. On one level, cp women appropriated these pageants to present a hybrid version of the beauty contest where women could present leftist views. On the other hand, the pageants show that the cp only held marginally more progressive views on women than the mainstream. Second, the article suggests that Communist women and men had contrasting ideas about what the pageants meant to the party. cp men used women's bodies in pageants in order to promote and raise money for the party; in effect, Communist men saw these pageants as related to women's physical beauty. Communist women, by contrast, did not view the pageants as related to beauty at all. Indeed, these women saw the pageants as simply a way to promote the party's political program of higher wages and better working conditions. The article concludes that leftist men and women had different ideas about what constituted beauty, and that seemingly conservative cultural productions, like beauty pageants, can have radical goals.

Welcome to Winnipeg's Have-a-Life housing project... better known as Half-a-Life. Meet eighteen year-old Lucy and flamboyant Lish, two of the single moms who live there. Lucy has no idea who the father of her son is. Lish has four girls, and though she says she doesn't want a man around, she still pines for the father of her twins, a fire-eating busker who was just passing through town. Every Friday is "Deadbeat Dads" visiting day, but otherwise fathers aren't around much at Half-a-Life. Life at Half-a-Life has its ups and downs. The welfare regulations are endless and the ratfink neighbours won't mind their own business. Wagons and cheap strollers are the only way to get to and from the grocery stores, and it's hard enough to make ends meet without the welfare minister trying to take away the child tax credit. So when Lish decides they should go to Colorado to find the fire-eater, Lucy can't help but be excited. They borrow a van held together with coat hangers and electrical tape, load it up with kids and hit the road. Lucy knows they'll never find the fire-eater, but she doesn't know this will be the summer of her amazing luck. --Publisher's description

The article reviews the book, "Polarity, Patriotism, and Dissent in Great War Canada, 1914–1919," by Brock Millman.

The gig economy describes forms of contingent work arrangements that require digital platforms, representing an evolution in contingent work, both in moving up the educational scale and in increased visibility. It has engaged many workers who are highly educated and might previously have been in traditional employer–employee relationships, and appears to increase their vulnerability to wage theft, independent contractor misclassification, job insecurity, and lack of occupational health protections. As occupational health physicians, our need to develop, evaluate, and implement interventions to address the needs of workers in non-traditional employment relationships is growing.

The Christian Labour Association of Canada (clac) has historically had a relatively small presence in Canada's labour movement. Increasing interest in clac over the last decade is due to its expanded membership, largely in western Canada and Ontario: the union claims to represent 60,000 workers. Further, the tactics used to achieve this growth have been controversial within organized labour. In fact, clac was expelled from central labour bodies for its employer accommodationist strategies. This article expands the understanding of clac beyond a characterization of classic "company" unionism. In this article we find that clac integrates elements of populism into a specific geographic strategy for expansion in ways that complicate analysis. We focus on labour board records of disputes between clac and other unions, a recent case where the union backed employer-friendly legislation in Ontario, and the union's rhetorical devices and propaganda.

This critical review draws on existing literature on the discourse of precarious work within the Canadian nation-state. The goal of this research work is to critically examine the impact of precarious work on the lives, well-being and mental health of immigrants with a specific focus on immigrant women. Given that most research works have been mainly focused on the way in which precarious work creates health inequalities, this paper aims to throw light on the way in which precarious work can affect mental health. Also, the paper will examine the Canadian public policy response to this issue. The paper argues that Canada’s policy response is a reflection of the dominant political ideology within this nation-state. The dominant political ideology of neoliberalism seeks to justify minimal state intervention in policies that directly affect health and more broadly citizen’s life. The following principal questions will guide this critical review. 1) Why are immigrants, particularly immigrant women of color disproportionately situated in precarious forms of labour within the Canadian nation-state? 2) How does precarious work affect the mental health of immigrant women? 3) How and to what extent has capitalism and neoliberalism within the Canadian nation-state helped to perpetuate precarious working conditions for racialized immigrant women? By interrogating Canada’s neoliberal policy agenda as it affects immigrants through entrenched legislations of immigrant classes, the primary goal of this paper is to advance the construction that immigrants/migrants exist for economic exploitation and gain. The main theoretical framework that will guide this analysis is based on a post-colonial feminist scholarship that analyzes how inequities grounded on gender, race, class, and migratory status intersect to create complex and diverse labour market results for racialized immigrant women in Canada. A common theme that emerged throughout the critical review of several scholarly and grey literatures is that more women than men are situated in precarious work, and of those women in precarious forms of employment, women who identified as members of a visible minority group were even more disproportionately situated in precarious forms of work. Also, it was observed that the Canadian nation-state has to date failed to respond appropriately to this social and economic situation. Since employment and working conditions, unemployment and employment security -- described as some of the most crucial social determinants of health -- are significantly correlated to income and its security, allowing precarious work has only served to reinforce high-levels of income inequality, income insecurity and poverty within Canada.