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Full bibliography 12,879 resources
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For the past 40 years, membership in unions in Canada has been on a steady decline. While the labour movement is seeking to expand its influence into social justice causes, it is confronted by automation, the gig economy, and the outsourcing of manufacturing jobs to foreign countries. The Agenda discusses the relevance of unions today and what the way forward looks like. [Participants: Steve Pakin (host), Tiffany Balducci (Durham Regional Labour Council), Dan Kelly (Canadian Federation of Independent Business), Stephanie Ross (Professor, McMaster University), and Ivan Ostos (bicycle courier and union organizer).] --Website description.
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On May 15th, 1919, the country — and the world — watched in astonishment as tens of thousands of workers walked off the job in Winnipeg. They demanded higher pay, better working conditions and the right to bargain collectively. Some 35,000 workers took over the running of Canada's third-largest city for six weeks. The Winnipeg General Strike was one of the most important labour events in Canadian history. It began months after the end of the Great War, which had demanded profound sacrifices. Husbands, sons and siblings died; soldiers returned from the front with profound physical and psychological scars. Back at home, unemployment and inflation were rampant. "The whole world was in ferment," said Ian McKay, L.R. Wilson Chair in Canadian History at McMaster University and the author of Reasoning Otherwise, Leftists and the Peoples Enlightenment in Canada, 1890 to 1920. "It was a very exciting but worrying time to be alive. The fall of the Czar was pivotal." --Introduction
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It was the biggest labour action in Canadian history: on May 15, 1919, over 35,000 workers took to the streets of Winnipeg for six weeks. It began peacefully and passionately; it ended in lethal violence and disagreement over what it meant, even to this day. Contributor Tom Jokinen in Winnipeg talks to experts on how the strike happened, why it occurred in Winnipeg — and through the use of archival tape, brings us the voices of people who were right there, on the streets, and on strike. --Introduction
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A digital exhibit commemorating the 100th anniversary of the Winnipeg General Strike. The exhibit also provides a listing of archival sources available locally, in Manitoba, and online. Content is drawn from the University of Manitoba Libraries, the City of Winnipeg Archives, the University of Winnipeg Archives, the University of Calgary Archives, and the Winnipeg Police Museum. The primary resources were developed in collaboration with the Association for Manitoba Archives and its members.
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In April 2017, more than 100 people gathered at the Halifax North Memorial Library for the official launch of the Lynn Jones African-Canadian and Diaspora Heritage Collection, housed at Saint Mary's University. ...This is a personal archive whose creation was an intentional act. At the tender age of eight, Lynn Jones began cutting out articles from the Truro newspaper, preserving stories pertaining to Black life in Nova Scotia and around the world. One of ten children, Lynn kept busy documenting the many activities of generations of the Jones family, from those who fought with the Black Battalion in World War I to those active today. Along the way, she added numerous documents – many of them not found elsewhere – and correspondence related to organizations such as the Black Working Group and the Public Service Alliance of Canada (psac) and individuals like Kwame Ture (Stokely Carmichael). The result is eighteen boxes, with talk of more to come. While the collection stretches from the 1960s to the 2010s, the bulk of material pertains to the 1980s and 1990s. -- Introduction
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Disputes over the meaning of human trafficking, forced labour and modern slavery have both provoked and coincided with a reinvigorated debate in academic and policy literatures about how to conceptualise unfree labour. This article traces the contours of the debate over free and unfree labour, identifying its key stakes as the debate has developed and paying particular attention to recent interventions. It begins by identifying a problem common to both canonical liberal and Marxian approaches to the free/unfree labour distinction, which is to fetishise the labour market. It then discusses the consensus that is emerging across disciplines and in leading international organisations that labour unfreedom in contemporary capitalism is best conceptualised as a continuum rather than a binary, highlighting recent disciplinary-specific contributions. It argues that the metaphor of a continuum of labour unfreedom obscures more than it illuminates. Drawing upon the growing body of literature that advocates a multifaceted approach to labour unfreedom, this article argues that a robust concept of local labour control regime does a much better job of capturing the complex mix of consent and coercion involved in extracting value from labour power than the idea of a continuum of labour unfreedom.
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This report presents an analysis of key findings from a survey completed by gym and fitness club workers in Ontario over several weeks in February and March 2019. The survey data, which is both quantitative and qualitative, offers important insights into gym and fitness club work, including levels of job satisfaction, opinions about fairness and respect at work, impressions of relationships between workers, clients, and supervisors, and views about how best to improve working conditions in the industry. -- From Summary
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The early 1930s were marked by considerable labour unrest in Canada. Over this period, workers developed new, more expansive forms of trade unionism, as well as new tactics such as sit-down strikes and flying pickets. In the context of the great depression, this unrest was not only evident in the country’s factories, mines, and ports; workers and their unions also began organizing outside of these traditional workplaces. Perhaps most famously, this organizing included unemployed workers and those toiling in Canada’s relief camps. Less well known, however, are the ways in which Canadian prisoners participated in this labour upsurge, adopting trade union tactics to suit their particular situations, and demanding improved conditions, political representation, and wages. --Introduction
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The 1919 Winnipeg General Strike remains an unparalleled moment of solidarity among canadian workers.
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This May, Canada marks the 100th anniversary of the Winnipeg General Strike, when tens of thousands of people walked off their jobs in sympathy and solidarity with building and metal trades workers whose employers were refusing to bargain for fair wages and working conditions.Though the strike failed in its immediate goals, the example it set reverberated across the country and the world, inspiring political upheaval at all levels in Canada, and ultimately transforming the balance of power between workers and the bosses for many generations. In this issue of the Monitor we consider the value of direct action and solidarity strikes in a new era of retrenching labour rights, out-of-control inequality and conservative backlash. “Workers can make great gains by withdrawing their labour power. But they also risk a lot,” writes the Graphic History Collective in their introduction to our special feature on the strike. “The stakes in class struggle are high.” True. But so are the costs of not acting. Today, as it was 100 years ago, we must continually fight for fair pay and good jobs for everyone—or be prepared to live in a world where neither exists for anyone. --Introduction. Contents: Direct Action Gets the Goods! A printable timeline of Canadian strikes from the Graphic History Collective -- 1919: Causes and Consequences: Paul Moist recounts the organizing that went into the strike and its legacy -- 100 years on.Women, rights and work—from 1919 to the #MeToo movement: Molly McCracken interviews Julie Guard on labour's need to organize more female workers -- The year labour makes history: Learning from failures like the Winnipeg General Strike and Kirkland Lake organization drive can strengthen the movement for true worker democracy, writes Jon Weier -- Work Life: Canada's "yellow vest" movement needs more gilets jaunes, writes Lynne Fernandez in her latest column -- Frontlines of the class: We all win when teachers strike. But, as Erika Shaker argues, parents, children and communities need to see themselves in the struggle -- Striking for survival: The right to strike in Canada is under attack and back-to-work legislation now commonplace Bruno Dobrusin calls on workers to embrace the mass walkout, both legal and illegal, as a tool for social change -- Lessons in South Korean protest culture: President Moon is backsliding on important labour reforms, but workers continue to resist in innovative ways, writes Zaee Desphande.
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[This report is] based on interviews we conducted with 11 workers from the Chinese and Eritrean communities. The report details the migration and work stories of newcomer workers in this industry, as well as their concerns, hopes and dreams. OHC has made 21 recommendations in this report to improve the health and well-being of newcomer workers in the food processing industry. --MFL Occupational Health Centre website
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Among the 40,000 workers in Canada’s largest workplace, Lester B. Pearson International Airport in Toronto, a small but significant group of worker-organizers has created the Toronto Airport Workers’ Council (TAWC), a nonunion organization open to all Pearson workers. In this paper, we discuss the capitalist context of Canadian labor relations and the neoliberal restructuring that has attacked working conditions and workers’ solidarity across the airline industry. Then, after examining the insufficient responses by the twelve Pearson unions, we explain how workers formed the TAWC, whose participatory structures, direct action strategy, and broader class focus have achieved considerable successes, despite tensions with union leaders wary of potential “dual unionism.” We also discuss how the TAWC provides a space for socialist-led workplace organizing training and political education by the Toronto Labour Committee. Finally, we explore the possible roles of this council model in labor movement renewal and labor education in socialist movement renewal.
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Saskatchewan's migrant workers rights regime has been characterized as a "positive national standard" for the rest of the country. Introducing the legislation in 2012, then-Minister of the Economy Bill Boyd argued it would "position Saskatchewan as having the most comprehensive protection for newcomers of any province in Canada." In Safe Passage: Migrant Worker Rights in Saskatchewan, Dr. Andrew Stevens reviews the impact of Saskatchewan's Foreign Worker Recruitment and Immigration Services Act (FWRISA) since its implementation. Using cases of employers and recruiters investigated under the FWRISA, this report explores how the government has addressed the exploitation of migrant workers in Saskatchewan. Dr. Stevens argues that the FWRISA deserves recognition as an important piece of legislation that has strengthened migrant worker protections and explicitly recognizes foreign labour’s unique vulnerabilities in the workplace. However, despite the strengths of the legisltion, Dr. Stevens argues that enforcement still remains a problem, with the complaints-based system too often putting the onus on precariously employed workers to self-report violations. Moreover, there is no requirement for employers to demonstrate comprehension of the province’s migrant labour regime in advance of accessing workers from abroad, resulting in employers that are ill-informed or ignorant of their responsibilities. Dr. Stevens concludes that Saskatchewan's existing migrant worker rights regime could be further improved by investing in a more rigorous audit and inspectorate system and through an expansion of community supports for newcomers.
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[This six-part] research project on 'work-related mobility' examines how our jobs affect 21st century life. Some people now find it desirable – or even necessary – to work from home. Others are expected to spend more time travelling to and from the workplace than they actually spend doing their job. How do changes in the way we work affect every other aspect of 21st century life? Seven years ago, a large group of interdisciplinary scholars from all parts of Canada (and beyond) began researching 'work-related mobility' with a project called the On the Move Partnership. Paul Kennedy was there from the beginning creating documentaries based on the research. As the project nears completion, Paul speaks to the participants about their conclusions in this final episode of On The Move. --Website description. Contents: On the move: Commuting, work, life (Paul Kennedy, with support from Angèle Smith, Tracey Friedel, Sara Dorow, Emma Jackson, Dalia Gesualdi-Fecteau, Shiva Nourpanah and Nicole Power. (Feb. 27, 2019)) (53:59) -- On the move: Montreal's Little Burgundy (Paul Kennedy, with support from Steven High. (May 25, 2018)) (53:59) -- Commute from hell [Toronto] (Paul Kennedy, with support from Stephanie Premji. (Jan. 9, 2017) (53:59) -- On the move from Bell Island [Newfoundland]: Crossing the tickle (Paul Kennedy, with support from Sharon Roseman and Diane Royal (Dec. 4, 2015)) (54:00) -- On the move with truckers [Prince Edward Island] (Paul Kennedy, with support from Natasha Hanson. (Oct. 9, 2014)) (54:00) -- On the move to Fort MacMurray (Paul Kennedy, with support from Sara Dorow (Nov. 22, 2013) (53:59).
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Describes labour unrest of internees in Fort Henry and Kaspuskasing during the First World War.
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Prenant conscience des effets délétères des stratégies traditionnelles de mise à l’écart des travailleurs âgés, les pouvoirs publics promeuvent aujourd’hui leur maintien en emploi. Afin de comprendre comment et dans quelles conditions cet objectif politique se traduit ou non en pratiques concrètes dans les milieux de travail, l’article propose une grille d’analyse, inspirée de l’analyse sociétale, permettant de comprendre les attitudes des entreprises et des travailleurs vis-à-vis le maintien en emploi des séniors. L’article met ensuite cette grille à l’épreuve en étudiant les pratiques de deux entreprises de commerce de détail, l’une en France et l’autre au Québec, autour de quatre espaces d’interprétation : institutionnel, du dialogue social, marchand et organisationnel.
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The article reviews the book, "Private Government: How Employers Rule our Lives and Why We Don’t Talk about It," by Elizabeth Anderson.
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The purpose of this research was to describe oilfield workers in the Moose Mountain Provincial Park area in southeastern Saskatchewan views on climate change. This qualitative study, inspired by Grounded Theory, utilized fifteen, semi-structured interviews to analyze participants’ perspectives and experiences. For this research, climate change means, “a change of climate which is attributed directly or indirectly to human activity and which is in addition to natural climate variability” (IPCC, 2014). This study has three main findings. First, participants have robust “sense of place” attachment that fosters environmental stewardship toward the Moose Mountain area. Second, participants hold conflicted understandings of climate change that alternate between the adoption of climate skepticism and acceptance of scientific consensus regarding anthropogenic climate change. Finally, this study demonstrates the importance of engaging in conversations with oil workers to facilitate a pluralistic narrative and navigate multiple worldviews to create understanding of a controversial topic in Saskatchewan.
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Des travaux récents en analyse institutionnelle ont souligné le rôle charnière des acteurs dans le changement institutionnel, notamment le pouvoir de l’acteur syndical à renouveler les institutions du travail. Ces recherches ont fait ressortir les trois aspects suivants : 1-l’agentivité, en réponse à la question de lareprésentation des syndiqués, notamment la construction d’une identité des travailleurs au-delà du milieu de travail; 2- la formation d’une large coalition au-delà des acteurs tripartites des relations de travail; et, enfin, 3-l’élargissement des répertoires d’action au-delà des frontières des entreprises et des contextes nationaux. Toutefois, contrairement à cette perspective sur l’agentivité qui dépendait autrefois des mécanismes de la démocratie industrielle, cet article montre que des contraintes structurelles peuvent restreindre, voire empêcher, la capacité stratégique des acteurs locaux à renouveler la règle en cet ère néolibéral de mondialisation de l’économie. À partir de deux études de cas menées dans deux usines de première transformation au Québec —l’une appartenant à une entreprise multinationalecanadienne, l’autre étant américaine —, cet article analyse comment les acteurs locaux, dans un contexte néolibéral de changement institutionnel, négocient la flexibilisation de l’emploi et la sécurité des travailleurs. Les résultats des négociations entreprises par les acteurs locaux, dans un cas, une négociation menée « le dos au mur », et, dans l’autre, « le fusil sur la tempe », montrent que l’issue du processus est tributaire de facteurs externes hors de la portée des acteurs locaux. L’agentivité a buté contre les impératifs économiques du marché, les politiques étatiques de dérégulation de l’emploi et l’intransigeance des maisons-mères concernant l’avantage compétitif des filiales. Dans l’usine américaine, ils ont déplacé l’ancienne règle des accords collectifs pour y substituer une nouvelle entente davantage axée sur les exigences du marché libéral. Dans l’usine canadienne, ils ont stratifié les accords collectifs, ajoutant une nouvelle entente (de facture inférieure à l’ancienne) basée sur le statut d’emploi et qui oppose les permanents aux contractuels. Dans les deux cas, des conditions structurelles ont limité la marge de manoeuvre desacteurs locaux, avec des conséquences néfastes sur les travailleurs périphériques de l’entreprise flexible.
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