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Workers may experience job desperation, characterized by frustration, pressure to quit and readiness to take extreme steps to secure a new job position. We examined the psychometric properties of a French-language version of the Job Desperation Scale by administering a survey to three independent cohorts of French-speaking employees, with a view to assessing the antecedents of job search behaviour and intention to quit. The first (n = 253) and second (n = 184) cohorts, composed of employees from France and Canada respectively, responded to the survey for the exploratory and confirmatory stages of analysis. The third sample (n = 252) of French employees responded both to the survey and to additional measures that typically identify antecedents of job search behaviour and turnover intention. The findings confirm the single-factor structure and robustness of the French-language version. More importantly, they show the substantial and incremental predictive power of job desperation in explaining job search behaviour and turnover intention. These insights help explain job desperation as a critical factor in contemporary labour markets and contribute to the vocational behaviour literature.

The article reviews the book, "The Hammer: Power, Inequality, and the Struggle for the Soul of Labor," by Hamilton Nolan.

This article reviews the book, "Conscripted to Care: Women on the Frontlines of the covid-19 Response," by Julia Smith.

This article provides a history of the Japanese Camp and Mill Workers Union (JCMWU), from its founding in 1920 until its dissolution during the World War II mass incarceration of Japanese Canadians. The JCMWU was, according to union organizer Ryuichi Yoshida, a “general union of all Japanese workers” that “could not be an ordinary labour union.” Organized along the lines of race rather than by trade or industry, the union fought struggles against bosses, business owners, state officials, and the Asian exclusion movement through a number of programs and activities. But perhaps more than anything else, the jcmwu was a political education project, centred around its newspapers, Rōdō Shūhō and Nikkan Minshū. Drawing on previously untranslated materials from these newspapers, this article takes up the extraordinary analysis and activities of the JCMWU to contribute to broader discussions about the relationship of race, labour, capitalism, and imperialism.

Intimate partner violence and coercive control can manifest in abusers’ attempts to sabotage their partners’ participation in employment. Work-related intimate partner violence (WRIPV) also implicates employers, governments, and society more broadly, challenging the individualizing frame often applied to IPV. However, the legal recognition of WRIPV has been slow and sporadic, disproportionately impacting women experiencing intersecting inequalities, who are more vulnerable to IPV and to work-related inequalities. This article examines how governments have responded to WRIPV, situating their responses in the continuing legacy of the public/private distinction. Using a rights-based framework, I evaluate the two newest Canadian reforms concerning WRIPV: occupational health and safety and employment leave legislation. Both reforms specifically attend to WRIPV, at least in some jurisdictions, and provide preventive potential and remedial support for the economic and other consequences of IPV. Yet they also have shortcomings, including lack of coverage of some forms of IPV and some workplaces, loss of pay, and verification requirements that draw on gendered myths and stereotypes. I conclude by identifying further government action needed to better address WRIPV.

This article examines how Asian migrant sex workers have continuously been targeted by the “carceral web” of Canadian laws and policies at the federal, provincial, and municipal levels. A case study of Newmarket, Ontario’s municipal council’s recent “crackdown” on personal wellness establishments illustrates how systematic racism and “whorephobia” are embedded in the regulations targeting low-income Asian migrant women, particularly those who work in massage parlours and the sex industry. The article ends with a discussion of how Asian workers in massage parlours and the sex industry are actively working to resist, fight for their rights, and build solidarity to push back against racist oppressions targeting them.

In July 1962, Saskatchewan doctors went on strike in a refusal to work under the Medicare Care Act, which introduced universal health insurance in the province. The much-studied conflict between organized medicine and the Co-operative Commonwealth Federation government has been understood as a decisive moment in the history of public healthcare in Canada. Less studied, but equally important, the doctors were supported by a larger protest movement that set out to oppose the expansion of the welfare state. This article reveals that an alliance between maternal activists who started the Keep Our Doctors committee, businessmen who aimed to foster popular anti-statism through the Canadian Chamber of Commerce’s Operation Freedom and the Free Citizens Association, and doctors was an unplanned coalition, but not something that emerged entirely by chance. The agitation was a form of conservative populism resolved, in exaggerated fashion, against compulsion, increased taxation, and alleged communism. It was also part of a distinctive transnational moment of right-wing radicalization. Principles of democracy and freedom united opponents of Medicare in Saskatchewan and linked them with American radical right peers in ways specific to the early 1960s.

This paper exposes the falsity of a fundamental assumption of labour law—namely that there is such a thing as an “employee” or “employer” or “independent contractor” and that such legal entities can be “found” through an examination of the facts. As we shall demonstrate, once we have discarded the flawed assumption that “employees” or “employers” (or “independent” or “dependent contractors,” or “worker,” or any other legal creature) exist in the real world, we see that labour law’s purpose as it is currently widely understood is also fundamentally flawed. It is from this standpoint that a new conceptual framework for—and normative underpinning of—labour law emerges.

In a professional environment undergoing profound transformation, particularly since the Covid-19 pandemic, understanding and meeting the expectations of Generation Z is crucial for businesses. This research explores the professional values and expectations of this generation, highlighting the importance of aligning personal values with those of the company, flexibility, and ethical work environments. Through a qualitative methodology using IRaMuTeQ software, semi-structured interviews revealed that Generation Z values management practices that promote regular recognition and personal development. The findings confirm the importance of transparency and daily accountability in task execution, as well as the need to create dynamic and collaborative work environments. Managerial implications suggest the proactive integration of these expectations into human resources policies to effectively attract and retain this generation. Recommendations include the implementation of sustainable environmental policies and diversity and inclusion initiatives.

Labour and skill shortages are widely reported across most countries. With changing demographics, increasing digitalization and the transition to a green economy, to name but a few factors, concern is mounting about the supply of labour and skills for future demands. As a result, actors in the labour market, such as unions, employers and employer associations, government and civil society organizations are concerned about looming shortages of labour and skills. Several strategies to address such shortages have been identified, but a more detailed engagement is required to fully understand the complex interplay between each strategy and the environment in which it is pursued. Semi-structured interviews were conducted in Ireland with a range of actors who were specifically identified as having expertise and experience in strategies for labour and skill shortages. They reported a range of strategies that involved upskilling, higher pay, better working conditions, flexible work arrangements, use of migrant labour, development of untapped labour pools and provisioning of social goods. Decisions on these strategies had two key determinants: resource availability and the external environment. All actors mentioned a need for social dialogue to engage, explore and consider the wide range of options for dealing with labour and skill shortages.

This article explores the multifaceted causes of the labour shortage in Quebec and questions whether young people are to blame. Using statistical data about activity and vacancy and qualitative interviews with recruitment managers from companies in the Quebec City region, the authors aim to deconstruct oversimplified narratives. The findings reveal that labour shortages stem from a complex combination of factors: demographic changes, unattractive working conditions, training-job mismatch, and public policies. Contrary to popular belief, young people are very active in the labour market. They are already well-represented in sectors experiencing shortages (e.g. healthcare, hospitality, construction) and often possess higher education levels than what is required for most vacant positions, which are predominantly low-skilled. However, many employers perceive youth less available, as less loyal, and as having different expectations regarding work-life balance, job meaning, and flexibility—interpreted as a shift in "mentality." These perceptions heavily shape challenges faced and recruitment strategies, which tend to focus on adapting working conditions rather than rethinking job content or organizational practices. The article concludes that young workers are not to blame for the labour shortage. Instead, the phenomenon should be understood as a structural issue with complex causes. Effective responses require a comprehensive approach that considers the roles of employers, public institutions, and the evolving expectations of young workers. A nuanced, sector-specific analysis would allow for more targeted and meaningful solutions.

The article makes a significant contribution to the study of identity dynamics in the professional context by focusing on self-doubt as a central theme in the analysis. The authors provide a comprehensive overview of the work on identity and demonstrate the importance of developing a more constructive approach to self-doubt. They also emphasize that the links with the ethical dimensions of employees' professional trajectories are not adequately addressed. The research aims to address these gaps by employing Ricoeur's idem et ipse approach to the study of identity. The data collected from employees in the French social sector provides insights into the phenomenon of self-doubt, as expressed by employees in their individual work reports, without the influence of external directives. This scenario is distinct from that of the “struggler”, who decline to address their employer's or colleagues' concerns regarding their capabilities and ethics.

Disabled people often experience time in a manner that is distinct from able-bodied individuals. Disabled people may have shorter careers, have difficulty maintaining full-time employment, and may be forced to work part-time due to the impact of their impairments. Many disabled people face considerable barriers every day in accessing services to participate fully in the workplace, including accessible transportation and attendant services. These underfunded services are often late if delivered at all, wreaking havoc on the ability of workers with disabilities to plan their day and make firm commitments. Yet disability scholars have attempted to reclaim this experience as one that needs to be understood as one with liberating potential. Ellen Samuels and Alison Kafer have identified this phenomenon as “crip time.” In Canadian law, the duty to accommodate workers with disabilities up to the point of undue hardship has not typically engaged with how disabled people experience time differently. We develop a typology of what we call crip time from above to reflect the lived experiences of disabled people, and in particular, their experience of time. In this paper, we report initial findings from a multi-year qualitative research project exploring the relationship between disability accommodations and crip time. Funded by the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council (SSHRC) of Canada, we undertook focus group interviews with disabled people to explore their experiences of time, followed by individual interviews. Influenced by the work of radical Greek–French philosopher, Cornelius Castoriadis, we argue that his notion of social imaginary time enriches the existing work of crip time and opens new possibilities to create a philosophy of accommodation that recognizes how disabled bodies experience the workplace. Our initial findings suggest that disabled people experience work differently because of a number of barriers relating to their experience of crip time. We conclude with some policy recommendations.

The diversification of the academic workforce is primarily the responsibility of management in most Canadian universities. However, the University of Victoria Faculty Association played a critical role in the last two bargaining rounds, successfully negotiating meaningful advancements concerning equity, indigenization and decolonization. In the 2019–2022 collective bargaining round, for example, an Indigenous hiring fund was negotiated. Empowered with a strong mandate from the membership, the faculty association sought in the next bargaining round to move beyond an “Indigenous inclusion” framework, which simply added more Indigenous people to the academy, towards bargaining for a more decolonized space in which, for example, Indigenous members faced fewer barriers in tenure and promotion processes, and were recognized for the additional decolonial work they do in and for the institution, and beyond. We discuss the challenges and successes for Indigenous members in this bargaining round and the crucial role of faculty association Indigenous members in shaping these bargaining successes.

Background: This study critically analyzes the impact of platform capitalism on elder care in British Columbia, focusing on Tuktu, an app-based tech startup that mediates care services through digital platforms. Analysis: Using feminist and intersectional theory, we explore how Tuktu’s business model commodifies care and exploits care workers by misclassifying them as independent contractors and stripping them of labour rights and protections.Conclusions and implications: We advocate for comprehensive policy reforms that ensure equitable labour standards, uphold the dignity of care recipients, and promote community-based care solutions. The study also calls for stronger regulation of digital platforms in the care economy, ensuring that the integration of technology enhances, rather than undermines, the quality of care and labour conditions.

Migrant agricultural workers employed through Canada's Temporary Foreign Worker Program face serious occupational health and safety hazards, with compounded difficulties in accessing workers’ compensation (WC) if they are sick or injured by the job. Little is known, however, about their ability to return to work (RTW) upon recovery—a fundamental right included in the conception of WC, but complicated by their restrictive work permits and precarious immigration status. Based on interviews with injured migrant workers in two Canadian provinces (Quebec and Ontario), our research suggests that workers’ RTW process is anything but straightforward. This article highlights three key issues—pressure to return to work prematurely, communication and bureaucratic challenges with WC agencies, and impacts of injury/illness and failure to return to work on workers’ long-term well-being. Consequences and opportunities for reform are discussed.

This article reviews the book, "The Return of the Housewife: Why Women are Still Cleaning Up," by Emma Casey.

Introduces the special issue's themes including frames (sociological and labour law's) on labour market inequality, gaps in labour law, complicity of labour law in inequality, and equality as transformation.

In 1909, an atypical church emerged in Toronto’s industrial core, the “People’s Institute,” which closed its doors less than two years later. Helmed by missionary C. S. Eby, the People’s Institute was an experiment designed to encourage political involvement and spread a Christian anti-capitalist ethic. This article situates the People’s Institute in the changing landscape of 1909 Toronto and within the larger trends of the labour church and the social gospel. It also argues that Eby’s experiment serves as an example of broader obstacles that prevented the long-term flourishing of left-wing approaches to Christianity in Canada.