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In this article it is argued that in order to be understood, the political attitudes and behaviour of the unemployed must be seen in conjunction with the potential of external organizations to channel the potential discontent resulting from termination. Such an approach is consistent with the 'power model' of blue-collar radicalism. The potential of this approach in understanding the political consequences of unemployment is revealed through a longitudinal analysis of two plant closures in Canada.

During the author's travels, he meets Menalcas, a caricature of Oscar Wilde, who relates his fantastic life story. But for all his brilliance, Menalcas is only Gide's yesterday self, a discarded wraith who leaves Gide free to stop exalting the ego and embrace bodily and spiritual joy. Later Fruits of the Earth, written in 1935 during Gide's short-lived spell of communism, reaffirms the doctrine of the earlier book. But now he sees happiness not as freedom, but a submission to heroism. In a series of 'Encounters', Gide describes a Negro tramp, a drowned child, a lunatic and other casualties of life. These reconcile him to suffering, death and religion, causing him to insist that 'today's Utopia' be 'tomorrow's reality'. --Publisher's description

This article reviews the book, "Freedom, Democracy and Economic Welfare," by Michael A. Walker.

In early 1919 a new union was created in British Columbia, an organization that brought together provincial loggers for the first time. Despite much initial success, the Lumber Workers Industrial Union was moribund by 1922, and it soon disappeared completely from provincial logging camps. As well as examining the grievances of the loggers, the changing nature of the logging industry, and the actions of employers, this history of the LWIU also offers insights into the character of the Canadian working class in the post-War years by highlighting the struggles of the Socialist Party of Canada, the One Big Union, and the Industrial Workers of the World to dominate the LWIU. Furthermore, this article draws Out and assesses the divergent programmes of the LWIU leaders, who were aligned with the Socialist Party of Canada, and the men in the camps, exposing a fundamental gap in the post-War socialist agenda.

The article reviews the book,"Le mouvement étudiant québécois: son passé, ses revendications et ses luttes (1960-1983)," by Pierre Bélanger.

Winnipeg tailoring craftworkers formed four unions during 1882-1921. This master's thesis in Canadian labour history finds that their institutionally-differentiated practice of labour organization expressed a sustained remedial effort to codify, enforce and reformulate elements of their craft subculture. They mounted this effort in response to the competitive constraints of clothing sector capitalism as these conditioned workplace experience in the city trade as well as the tailors' identifications with other working-class Winnipeggers. The study first discusses the reproduction of tailoring craft subculture in the energing city market, and offers a periodized sketch of the 'double jeopardy' which merchant tailors faced as master artisans and as clothing sector capitalists. The remaining chapters employ this periodization to organize discussion of the course of working-class activism pursued by the tailors. During c1882-1900, the integration of national markets in sewn clothing and in tailoring craft labour power exhausted the jour tailors' earliest attempts - the 'Winnipeg Operative Tailors Union' (fl. 1882) and Harmony Local Assembly 9036 of the Knights of Labor (fl. 1886-87) - to devise a viable labour organization. Only with the chartering of Journeymen Tailors' Union Local 70 (fl. 1892- 1919) was this achieved. During c1901-13, Local 70 secured significant wage and other concessions from boss tailors. Wheat Boom-era economic development, coupled with a persisting city-market skills scarcity, broadly favoured such gains. Meanwhile, JTU Local 70 inbibed ideas about industrial unionism and social radicalisn which were encouraged by such figures as John T. Mortimer (d1908), a Socialist Party of Canada activist. During c1914-21, the custom tailors' experience was overshadowed by the exigencies of war-making, the labour revolt, and of the post-war recession. Paradoxically, Local 70 momentarily became in 1918 the largest JTU local in Canada, yet soon bolted from the international parent body to reconstitute itself as Tailors' Industrial Unit Number One of the One Big Union. The study interprets this development in terms of Local 70's war-time isolations from the south and the east, which were counterbalanced by an epochal quickening of working-class activist identifications and social conflict in the city itself. But the new OBU Unit retained the jour tailors' craft-bounded distinctiveness within the OBU's organizational structure, and was blooded in 1921 attempting to enforce a contractual measure inherited from Local 70. The study's major primary sources include the local labour press, as well as an intensive reading of the JTU's journal, The Tailor, 1887-1921. The study's general approach is indebted chiefly to perspectives suggested by the work of Gregory S. Kealey, Herbert Gutman, Eric Hobsbawm, David Montgomery, Geoffrey Crossick, and David H. Bensman.

Discusses the federal Privacy Act of 1982, which permits individuals to request information about themselves held by the government. The request must come from the individual who may correct errors or turn the information over to researchers. The process of submitting the request to government ministries is also discussed, as well as the range of exceptions to disclosure, such as national security. Concludes by describing how the Act was used to request material (including news clippings on file) for a biography of Claire Culhane, the radical political activist and social reformer.

The article reviews the book, "Housing in Postwar Canada: Demographic Change, Household Formation and Housing Demand," by John R. Miron.

L’état de la discipline en relations industrielles au Canada : un brin d’histoire et une postface.

The article reviews the book, "The Social Organization of Industrial Conflict: Control and Resistance in the Workplace," by P.K. Edwards and Hugh Scullion.

The article reviews and comments on two books: "Against the Tide: The Story of the Canadian Seamen's Union," by Jim Green, and "Everything That Floats: Pat Sullivan, Hal Banks, and the Canadian Seamen's Unions of Canada," by William Kaplan.

Trade unions in a liberal society are caught on the horns of a dilemma over freedom of association. In respect to the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms, unions are faced with relying on the positive freedom to associate as a defence for union security clauses, and, at the same time, denying freedom from association claims of those who do not wish to participate in union membership and/or union activities. The aim of this thesis is to explore that dilemma, and to assess some of the possible strategies union leaders could employ to come to terms with it. The dilemma that trade unions face consists of several elements. The source of the dilemma is found in the conflict over negative and positive liberty and the nature of freedom, and more specifically over competing visions of freedom of association in the trade union context. This conflict has found its way into the courts; in particular, the Lavigne case, which challenges political expenditures by unions (in certain circumstances), has generated much controversy and resulted in two opposing judicial decisions. However, the courts are not the only arena in which an attempt is being made to balance the competing claims of liberty; the political realm offers another avenue through which trade unions could attempt to influence labour legislation. However, unlike other intervenors such as women's or aboriginal groups, the trade union movement was largely absent from pre-Charter Joint Committee hearings. In hindsight it is quite clear that labour's non-participation represented a missed opportunity to influence the wording of freedom of association in a way that would make challenges from a negative liberty standpoint more difficult. In addition, the post-Charter prospects of lobbying government to implement legislation which would prevent negative liberty claims from succeeding (possibly through the "notwithstanding" clause in the Charter) appear quite dismal. Thus, a trade union strategy which would look for a political avenue out of its dilemma was not implemented pre-Charter and looks doubtful post-Charter. Nonetheless, in terms of the individual and his freedom (of association) in a liberal society, a fair balance between negative and positive liberty claims should be struck; one which allows limited coerion of the individual in the form of union security (the agency shop), but also restricts trade unions in the form of limits on political expenditures. This balance may, however, seriously threaten the political role of the trade union community. But, while individuals retain their right to exercise negative liberty claims, whether or not they exercise them depends upon their moral beliefs. And an individual convinced of the importance of the trade union community and the threat to that community posed by negative liberty claims, will be much less likely to exercise his right to invoke freedom from association. Unions might be able to meet this difficulty, however, by working towards a consensus about the importance of the trade union community and, more particularly, its political objectives. Such a strategy may be the most suitable alternative that trade unions can adopt in a liberal society.

The impact of new technologies on clerical workers has been intensely debated. This paper assesses current research on the key issues of employment, skill and quality of working life, drawing implications for Canadian clérical workers. The author argues that a reliance on deterministic research models has produced unduly pessimistic forecasts about the impact of new office technologies. Research which is sensitive to the mediated nature of automation is necessary for improving forecasts for the Canadian office. So too is the consideration of employer, union and state activity in influencing automation outcomes.

The article reviews the book " The Historical Meanings of Work," edited by Patrick Joyce.

The article reviews the book, "The Immigrant World of Ybor City: Italians and Their Latin Neighbors in Tampa, 1880-1980," by Gary R. Mormino and George E. Pozzetta.

This paper uses new data on business units to document the type and extent of human resource management policies and practices currently in place in unionized and nonunion businesses in the United States.

The article reviews the book, "The Science of Social Redemption: McGill, the Chicago School, and the Origins of Social Research in Canada," by Marlene Shore.

The purpose of this article is to highlight the disadvantaged status of visible minorities in public and private sector organizations and the need for affirmative action/employment equity programs to ameliorate their disadvantaged statut, to describe and analyze public policy on employment equity at the federal and provincial levels, to evaluate the effectiveness of the federal EE initiatives; and to provide policy implications and recommendations for strengthening public policy initiatives.

This paper deals with the workplace implications resulting from the incidence of AIDS for employers, AIDS victims, and coworkers of AIDS virus sufferers in North America. It discusses myths and misconceptions about AIDS as well as the medical facts and the legal aspects of the AIDS controversy. It examines the role of human resource management specialists in handling AIDS concerns, such as testing job applicants, terminating employees with the AIDS virus, developing educational programmes, and writing policy statements. Finally, it makes recommendations on how to effectively deal with the AIDS crisis in workplace settings.

This article reviews the book, "Making Mondragon : The Growth and Dynamics of the Worker Cooperative Complex," by William Foote White & Kathleen King Whyte.