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When GM announces it’s closing shop in Oshawa, Ont., an embattled union and its disillusioned workers face the fight of their lives.

La diversité de la main-d’oeuvre dans les organisations représente une stratégie porteuse afin de surmonter les problèmes de recrutement et de rétention d’une main-d’oeuvre qualifiée et compétente. Parmi les groupes cibles, les femmes sont sous-représentées dans de nombreux emplois qui nécessitent des qualifications et des compétences spécifiques. La littérature montre bien l’importance des pratiques de gestion comme outil de rétention. L’objectif de cet article est de documenter les pratiques de gestion favorables à la rétention des femmes dans le cas particulier des inspectrices dans les domaines de l’hygiène, de la santé et de la sécurité au travail. De façon plus précise, elle vise à comprendre la réalité des femmes inspectrices afin de saisir, de leur point de vue, les pratiques de gestion qui favoriseront ou non leur rétention dans l’organisation. Deux groupes ont fait l’objet de cette étude : des inspectrices en santé et sécurité du travail et des inspectrices en hygiène alimentaire et animalière. Au total, 62 personnes ont été rencontrées lors d’entrevues collectives, soit 10 gestionnaires et 52 inspectrices et inspecteurs. Les résultats montrent six grandes pratiques stratégiques : la valorisation du travail et de l’expertise professionnelle, la réduction des risques du travail, la rémunération globale équitable, les horaires flexibles, l’autonomie au travail et la transformation des dynamiques de travail. La réussite passe par une transformation stratégique de l’ensemble des processus visant à instaurer un contexte favorable au recrutement et à la rétention des femmes. Un modèle pour agir à divers niveaux sur ces enjeux de diversité dans les milieux de travail est proposé. Ce modèle permet ainsi de mieux documenter les pratiques organisationnelles et d’aller au-delà des obstacles rencontrés par les femmes de façon individuelle.

This collection includes reflections about the precariousness of academic employment for non-tenured professionals across Canada. It includes articles from those who have taught in post-secondary education across Canada, as well as as from those some who have experienced precarity as student and union organizers. It also includes voices of students working and teaching in the higher education system. The texts are both in the form of critical engagement with the academic discourse and research as well as reflective memoirs on experiences of educational precarity from numerous social locations. They highlight precarity at all levels of employment in the Canadian higher education system and offer suggestions on how to improve this long-standing and damaging reality affecting tens of thousands of the precariously employed. --Publisher's description. Contents: Introduction / Ann Gagné -- Manufactured Precarity: Some Solutions to Help Mitigate the Impacts of Precarious Employment of Canadian Sessional Instructors / Amber Diaz -- The Tensions of Tenure and Allyship: On Becoming, Speaking, and Listening / Veronica J. Austen -- Reflections of Precarity from a Student and Student Representative / Gayle McFadden -- Immigrant Precarity in the Academe: The Quebec Version / Cristina Artenie -- Towards Best Practices in Canadian Higher Education: A Precarious Memoir in Miniature / Ann Gagné.

How do unions respond to the emerging threats and opportunities posed by digitalization in the sphere of employment relations? What factors account for the focus and varying effectiveness of their responses? This paper seeks to address these questions in the case of Italy—a theoretically interesting case that combines significant digitalization-related challenges, historically strong industrial relations institutions under increasing pressure, and diverse union confederations. From the available evidence, we find that Italian union strategies and demands so far have been primarily focused on interventions at the macro and meso levels, with a view to extending traditional forms of protection—especially sectoral collective bargaining agreements—to deal with the disruptive effects of digitalization. This focus has been coupled with some limited innovation in union agendas and discursive repertoires focused on the micro level of intervention, as well as a shift in union preferences toward inclusion of platform workers and self-employed workers in their constituencies. Whilst highlighting the importance of agential factors, we nonetheless find that the focus and effectiveness of union interventions are crucially shaped by prior institutional legacies and distributions of power resources, as well as by the ideological orientation and strategic capabilities of individual unions themselves. Overall, Italian unions have to date tended to privilege gradual response strategies based on extension and adaptation of existing and established institutions. It remains to be seen whether such adaptive approaches will be sufficient to effectively govern the digital transformation of work or whether more radical institutional experimentation will become necessary. Either way, in order to build smart industrial relations in Italy, unions will have an active role to play.

The paper analyzes how digitalization in conjunction with changes to the economic environment are affecting the nature of low-skilled jobs in the logistics sector; in particular, job content and the working and employment conditions attached to those jobs. On the basis of expert interviews and company case studies in French and German retail warehouses, the authors investigate whether the adaptation of these jobs corresponds to the more general ‘neo-Taylorist’ transformation of workplaces discussed in the literature and seek to identify those factors that are helping to stabilize or modify this trend. Drawing on the comparative labour relations literature, which distinguishes between different types of workers’ power resources (institutional, associational and structural), the study examines how and to what extent employees and their representatives renegotiate or influence techno-organizational choices. By focusing on firms headquartered in France and Germany, we can shed some light on whether the institutional power of organized labour may enable them to foster trajectories other than the kind of ‘digital Taylorism’ we see in liberal market economies. The findings point, however, to a general convergence on digitally enhanced ‘Neo-Taylorism,’ which is characterized by deskilling and intensification of performance control. The limited cross-country variation can largely be explained by the very similar effects across countries of ‘lean’ supply-chain transformation and the trend toward outsourcing and offshoring, which negatively affect workers’ structural power. Moreover, associational resources are negatively affected by the deskilling trend. Meanwhile, the findings provide some evidence of a beneficial impact from the institutional power of worker representatives in both countries: in particular, the rights to veto and co-determine performance management systems. These rights have not altogether helped prevent the shift toward neo-Taylorism but have contributed to somewhat less intense forms of neo-Taylorism.

The article reviews the book, "Les théories du travail : les classiques," edited by Daniel Mercure and Jan Spurk .

The article reviews the book, "Reform, Revolution and Direct Action amongst British Miners: The Struggle for the Charter in 1919," by Martyn Ives .

Objectif de la recherche : L’objectif de cette recherche est de cerner quels sont les leviers des politiques de diversité qui pourraient se révéler particulièrement efficaces au Maroc, ainsi que d’identifier les obstacles à la carrière managériale des Marocaines. Intérêt de la recherche : Comme les politiques de diversité proviennent de modèles de management généralement occidentaux, il se peut que des idiosyncrasies marocaines en amenuisent les impacts. L’intérêt d’une telle recherche réside dans l’identification des leviers des politiques de diversité efficaces au Maroc, un territoire qui témoigne toujours de fortes inégalités de genre, notamment dans les fonctions managériales. Méthodologie : Les données ont été récoltées au Maroc grâce à 36 entretiens semi-directifs au sein de six entreprises et auprès de femmes managers, de Directeurs généraux et de Directeurs des ressources humaines. Résultats : Les résultats identifient les obstacles classiques à la carrière managériale des Marocaines, ainsi que les leviers des politiques de diversité qui seraient particulièrement efficaces au Maroc. Contributions et implications managériales : Les entreprises trouveront, dans cet article, les leviers prioritaires permettant de déployer de meilleures politiques de diversité dans un contexte marocain. Les DRH y trouveront, également, une liste des obstacles à la carrière managériale des Marocaines, ce qui devrait leur permettre de mieux les prendre en compte. Limites : Le biais de désirabilité sociale et la taille restreinte de l’échantillon sont les principales limites de cet article.

The article reviews the book, "The Talent Revolution: Longevity and the Future of Work," by Lisa Taylor and Fern Lebo.

In 1978, over 200 textile workers affiliated with Local 560 of the Canadian Textile and Chemical Union went on strike at Puretex Knitting Company, a small garment factory in Toronto, Ontario. Of the strikers, 190 were immigrant women who opposed management’s installation of nine security cameras on the premises, one of which was trained on the entrance to the women’s washroom. To have the cameras removed and win the strike, Local 560 used a combination of traditional strike tactics and legal mobilization. This article makes a case for the significance of the Puretex strike by arguing that workplace surveillance acted as a flashpoint around which feminist and legal allies could mobilize in support of exploited immigrant women in the textile industry during the 1970s. By the strike’s end, the Puretex women had not only gained invaluable and transformative strike experience but engaged with industrial legality and the state in a way that brought about meaningful change in their workplace. The Puretex strike is therefore a significant case of immigrant women’s militant organizing in the labour and feminist movements during the 1970s and an important reminder that engagement with industrial law and the state, in certain historical contexts, can provide avenues for successful worker resistances.

The editor reflects on the 75th anniversary of the journal.

Looking back over half a century of bargaining by university faculty and librarians, it is clear that not all academics have seen the same benefits. Is the Ontario Labour Relations Act to blame and how can the scales be rebalanced? --Editor's note

The Subjectivities and Politics of Occupational Risk links restructuring in three industries to shifts in risk subjectivities and politics, both within workplaces and within the safety management and regulative spheres, often leading to conflict and changes in law, political discourses and management approaches. The state and corporate governance emphasis on worker participation and worker rights, internal responsibility, and self-regulative technologies are understood as corporate and state efforts to reconstruct control and responsibility for Occupational Health and Safety (OHS) risks within the context of a globalized neoliberal economy. Part 1 presents a conceptual framework for understanding the subjective bases of worker responses to health and safety hazards using Bourdieu’s concept of habitus and the sociology of risk concepts of trust and uncertainty. Part 2 demonstrates the restructuring arguments using three different industry case studies of multiple mines, farms and auto parts plants. The final chapter draws out the implications of the evidence and theory for social change and presents several recommendations for a more worker-centred politics of health and safety.The book will appeal to social scientists interested in health and safety, work, employment relations and labour law, as well as worker advocates and activists. --Publisher's description. Contents: 1. Introduction and Research MethodsPart 1: Risk Subjectivities and Practices2. Identifying Hazards and Judging Risk3. Taking Risks or Taking a Stand: Interests, Power and IdentityPart 2: Case Studies of Health and Safety in Hard Rock Mining, Family Farming and Auto Parts Manufacturing 4. Transforming the Mining Labour Process: Transforming Risk and its Social Construction5. Reconstructing Miner Consent: Management Objectives and Strategies6. The Transformation and Fragmentation of Canadian Agriculture7. Health and Safety in Farming8. The Transformation of Production and Health and Safety in Auto Parts Manufacturing.9. Participation and Control in a Non-Union Auto Parts Firm10. Conclusion and Implications for Change.

The article reviews the book, "Change and Continuity: Canadian Political Economy in the New Millennium," edited by Thomas, Mark P., Leah F. Vosko, Carlo Fanelli, and Olena Lyubchenko.

The article reviews the book, "They Call Me George: The Untold Story of Black Train Porters and the Birth of Modern Canada," by Cecil Foster.

In The Canadian Labour Movement, historian Craig Heron and political scientist Charles Smith tell the story of Canada's workers from the midnineteenth century through to today, painting a vivid picture of key developments, such as the birth of craft unionism, the breakthroughs of the fifties and sixties, and the setbacks of the early twenty-first century. The fourth edition of this book has been completely updated with a substantial new chapter that covers the period from the great recession of 2008 through to 2020. In this chapter, Smith describes the fallout of the financial crisis, how Stephen Harper's government restricted labour rights, the rise of the "gig economy" and precarious work, and the continued de-industrialization in the private sector. These pressures contributed to fracturing the movement, as when Unifor, the largest private sector union, split from the Canadian Labour Congress, the established "house of labour." Through it all, rank-and-file union members have fought for better conditions for all workers, including through campaigns like the fight for a $15 minimum wage. --Publisher's description

The Ontario Network of Injured Workers’ Groups in Canada is leading a multiyear campaign called Workers’ Comp is a Right to reform the provincial workers’ injury compensation system and to fight back against regressive changes made to the system over several decades. At their Annual General Meeting in Toronto held in June 2019, delegates voted unanimously to make this submission to the United Nations Committee on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities as a part of the regular supervisory process under the United Nations Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities. The subject is income deeming “phantom jobs” to injured worker claimants with income replacement benefits. The document illustrates how Canadian injured worker groups have activated a human rights lens and references international labor and human rights standards concerning social insurance and income replacement benefits for work-related injury and illness.

Cet article s’intéresse à l’Organization United for Respect at Walmart, l’une des initiatives nationales les plus ambitieuses en matière d’organisation de la main-d’oeuvre aux États-Unis au cours de la dernière décennie. S’appuyant sur une enquête qualitative menée autour du travail d’organisation des employés lors d’actions et de mobilisations de OUR Walmart (OWM) de 2013 à 2018, il revient sur les transformations de la campagne d’organisation des inorganisés (organizing) du géant de la grande distribution. À partir d’une approche diachronique des dimensions pratiques et rhétoriques d’OWM, nous verrons que l’effort d’organisation lancé par le grand syndicat des travailleurs de l’alimentation et du commerce UFCW, puis sa poursuite de manière indépendante après 2014, ont conduit OWM à opérer un virage numérique. Cet article montre, plus spécifiquement, que le lancement d’OWM dans le cadre d’une campagne syndicale visant le distributeur Walmart et son existence en tant qu’association indépendante depuis se caractérisent par deux approches de l’organisation des inorganisés. Au terme d’une revue de littérature portant sur les enjeux de cette stratégie, sur les caractéristiques de la campagne et la méthodologie adoptée, l’article examine comment OWM est passée d’une approche de l’organisation des inorganisés par un grand syndicat des services à une campagne beaucoup plus modeste en effectifs et en ressources financières. Liant innovations numériques et participation active des salariés, le virage technologique et réticulaire entamé par OWM souligne ainsi une opportunité de rendre visibles les inégalités raciales et de genre, tout en favorisant la coconstruction d’une solidarité professionnelle à grande échelle dans une entreprise et un secteur auparavant jugés hors d’atteinte et qui aujourd’hui, se trouvent particulièrement exposés en matière de risques en santé et sécurité au travail.

Cette thèse retrace l’itinéraire collectif d’un groupe de militants communistes libertaires de langue française pendant l’entre-deux-guerres à Montréal rassemblés autour d’Albert Saint-Martin (1865-1947). Figure importante du mouvement ouvrier au Québec, l’itinéraire politique de Saint-Martin est multiforme : on le retrouve associé au Parti socialiste du Canada, à la One Big Union, au Parti socialiste (communiste), à la Ligue des sanstravail, à l’Association révolutionnaire Spartakus, à l’Université ouvrière, à l’Association humanitaire, à la Ligue du Réveil féminin et à de nombreuses coopératives de consommation et de production. Saint-Martin est entouré de camarades provenant de divers horizons politiques. Notre thèse nous a permis d’identifier plus de 300 individus ayant pris part à des activités militantes à ses côtés. À travers l’analyse croisée de leurs parcours individuels, nous cherchons à mieux comprendre les modalités de leur engagement collectif avant, pendant et après la Première Guerre mondiale, leur représentation de la société idéale et les moyens d’y parvenir, la nature et la diversité de leurs liens de sociabilité, les territoires où se déploient leurs réseaux, la fréquence et les thèmes de leurs réunions de même que les symboles et les rituels qui y sont rattachés. Nous faisons l’hypothèse que celles et ceux qui participent aux activités de ce milieu partagent une même culture révolutionnaire articulée autour des notions de communisme, d’anticapitalisme, d’anticléricalisme et d’internationalisme, débouchant sur une critique des institutions autoritaires : l'État, l’Église catholique, la propriété privée, l’armée, le mariage, etc. Les stratégies d’émancipation individuelle et collective mises de l’avant par ces militants et ces militantes reposent sur l’éducation et l'action directe. C’est cet ensemble de principes théoriques, stratégiques et tactiques que nous regroupons sous le terme de communisme libertaire.

This dissertation examines prisoner-worker organizing in Canada by considering three case studies in detail: first, the successful unionization of an experimental privately managed abattoir at the Guelph Correctional Centre, a provincial jail in Ontario, in 1977; second, efforts by federal prisoners to unionize, with a particular focus on the efforts by the Prisoners Union Committee in 1975 and the Canadian Prisoners Labour Confederation, between 2010-2015, and; third, the nation-wide federal prison strike in response to prisoner wage cuts in 2013. Through these cases, this study examines the similarities and differences between prisoner-workers and their non-incarcerated counterparts, and considers the methods and motivations of prisoner organizers, as well as the substantial legal and organizational barriers that Canadian prisoners face in their organizing efforts. Working prisoners are one of many groups who labour on the margins of society and the economy, and who have been largely overlooked or dismissed by both scholars of work and labour and the labour movement. This study seeks to expand conventional definitions of who is a workerand what constitutes the working classby demonstrating ways that prisoners have asserted their rights as workers and the legitimacy of their organizations and struggles. Through these struggles, which have been conceptualized not only as economic, but also as political struggles, prisoners have contested their state of privation and laid claim to new sets of rights. At their most successful, the organizing efforts of working prisoners have resulted in not only improvements to their working lives, but also expanded rights and freedoms in relation to their incarceration.