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Full bibliography 12,881 resources
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The article reviews the book, "Success While Others Fail: Social Movement Unionism and the Public Workplace," by Paul Johnston.
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A century of women's work history in Australia and Canada reveals both similarities and contrasts. Women workers in both countries have faced persistent occupational segregation and lower pay, justified by the "family wage" ideal of a male breadwinner and the accompanying perception of women's paid labour as secondary, less skilled and transient. While Canada's female labour force has historically demonstrated a significant proportion of immigrants from countries other than England, Australia's female labour force contained fewer immigrants but revealed a visible minority of Aboriginals who have demonstrated labour militancy in several well-known disputes in this century. Perhaps the most striking differences between the two countries, however, relate to the extent of the Australian state's involvement in wage tribunals and in the compulsory arbitration system, both of which have given women improved wages and "a floor of protection." By contrast, state intervention in Canada was minimal until well into the 20th century when minimum wage laws were passed during and after World War I. Despite these differences there are areas of similarity, particularly in this century as women workers tended to mobilize at roughly the same time, not only in unions and work places but also in neighbourhoods, ethnic communities, rural areas and to some extent in labour and left wing political groups. Modern feminist movements in both countries have waged some successful campaigns to change not only government views and agendas, but also those of trade unions. Thus, while Australian women have perhaps been more successful at "playing the state" depending on the government in power, both groups of women are increasingly faced with the challenge of government retreat from egalitarian policies under the onslaught of a right-wing, corporatist agenda.
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This essay investigates the formal and informal educational pursuits of the labour movements and working-class communities of Australia and Canada. It suggests that worker education in the two countries was conducted by similar institutions, notably by branches of England's Workers Educational Association (WEA) but within very different cultural contexts. By juxtaposing these two national cases we demonstrate that labour's reliance on such community-wide institutions was mediated by the relationship between the labour movements and informal networks of working class interaction, on the one hand, and the body politic, on the other. Australia's prominent labour movement and strong tradition of public working class interaction enabled community-wide educational activities to be challenged. In Canada, by contrast, the collaborative nature of adult education and the "tools courses" taught by unions represented a different consensus about the nature of class identity and the place of unions in national politics.
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The article reviews the book "Northern Protest: Martin Luther King Jr., Chicago, and the Civil Rights Movement," by James R. Ralph.
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The article reviews the book "Revolutionary Marxism and Social Reality in the Twentieth Century," by Ernest Mandel.
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The article reviews the book, "Le droit du travail : théories et pratiques," 3rd edition, by Rodrigue Blouin.
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The article reviews and comments on the book, "Theater of Memory: Past and Present in Contemporary Culture," Volume I, by Raphael Samuel.
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This article investigates the historical dimensions of the labour movement's relationship to the welfare state in Australia and Canada during the 20th century. It assesses existing class and party politics theories of this relationship and by proposing particular historical accounts of the welfare state in a comparative context, it seeks to move beyond the limitations of these theories. The article argues that such approaches focus too narrowly on social security and wage regulation as the key parameters of the welfare state, ignoring major fields of welfare intervention for women, indigenous peoples and war service. In attempting to provide a more comprehensive narrative of the welfare state in a comparative context the article seeks to provide a clearer conception of the distinctive features of settler society welfare states. And by placing the role of the labour movement in this broader history it critically assesses the successes and limitations of the labour movement's engagement with the welfare state.
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The article reviews the book "Making Law, Order and Authority in British Columbia, 1821-1871," by Tina Loo.
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Critiques the paper, "Strikes and Class Consciousness," by Tom Langford published in the Fall 1994 issue of Labour/Le Travail. Argues that Langford misunderstood and misapplied Marxist methodology in his analysis of class consciousness during the 1987 Hamilton postal workers' strike.
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The article reviews the book "New Immigrants, Old Unions: Organizing Undocumented Workers in Los Angeles," by Hector L. Delgado.
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The articles reviews the book, "Grèves et services essentiels/Strikes and Essential Services," edited by Jean Bernier.
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The paper discusses Canada's work-sharing program, which is a special provision of the unemployment insurance program. The time series properties of the national and regional activity levels of this program between 1982 and 1992 are analyzed with the aid of a regression equation. The model estimates the relationship between global work-sharing program activity and the business cycle in search of a countercyclical pattern. Despite evidence of persistence effects in the time series behavior of the participation levels for the conventional UI program, which have been tied to hysteresis effects for unemployment levels, the participation levels of this program appear to behave counter cyclically, as intended. Although there is some anecdotal evidence at the firm level which would suggest instances of repeat usage, persistence effects are not discernible at the macroeconomic level. On the other hand, despite the fact that the program is not to be used in instances of seasonal employment, the model does generate seasonal patterns.
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The article reviews the book "Producers, Proletarians, and Politicians: Workers and Party Politics in Evansville and New Albany, Indiana, 1850-87," by Lawrence M. Lipin.
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The article reviews the book "Harrisburg Industrializes: The Coming of Factories to an American Community," by Gerald G. Eggert.
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This thesis explains why in the 1940s, Winnipeg meat packing workers secured sustainable industrial unionism. By tracing the development of the Winnipeg meat packing industry and investigating previously unsuccessful organizational drives, it is suggested that success in the 1940s corresponded to three broad contributing factors. The most significant factor was changing local conditions. With the gradual introduction of mass production techniques to the Winnipeg meat packing industry beginning in the early 1920s, the reorganization of Winnipeg packinghouse work occurred. The large scale introduction of semi-skilled workers changed the face of meat packing, as packinghouse work became deskilled without any significant degree of automation. During this period, craft unionism in the meat packing industry failed on a national pattern. This failure coincided with the 1930s experiment in industrial unionisn by Winnipeg workers'at Western Packers workers. Western Packing's workers' introduction to industrial unionism also provided the successful 1940s drive with links to the Communist Party. An overall strengthening in North America of the labour movement beginning in the 1930s provided the second broad contributing factor to success in the 1940s. With the birth of the CIO in the United States and Canada, Winnipeg meat packing workers gained at the very minimum inspiration. The impact of Wor1d War II accounted for the final contributing factor for success in the 1940s. With a wartime demand creating full employment and the governmentts desire to maintain production, organized labour found itself in a position of unparalleled power. In combination, a spirit of militancy arose among Canada's labour movement. From these conditions, meat packing workers in Winnipeg chose and pursued industrial unionism with great success. By the end of World war II, workers in Winnipeg possessed an effective union organization and had won union shops and wage increases. Ultimately however, the union's national success created a centralized, bureaucratic union movement which consequently provided a loss of local autonomy.
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