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The article reviews the book, "How We Struggle: A Political Anthropology of Labour," by Sian Lazar.

The Lingan strike of 1882–83 was the last in a series of strikes over a two-decade period on Cape Breton Island's Sydney coalfield. With the use of untapped local sources, this article reconstructs the history of this understudied strike within a broader history of social relations on the coalfield. The migration of labourers from the island's backland farms – predominantly from Highland enclave settlements – to the coal mines played a decisive role in shaping the era's new coal mining villages and the character of social conflict. By the early 1880s, structural change associated with National Policy industrialism was eroding the old authority of the coal operators, and miners embraced the Provincial Workmen's Association (pwa) to advance their claims in long-standing and highly localized contestations. Ultimately the coal communities themselves imposed the emergent trade unionism. The Lingan strike marked a transition to a new political order on the coalfield, structured by the place of the coal mines within the wider Cape Breton countryside and built upon a powerful localism and moral economy that recast the public sphere and the miners' place in it.

COVID-19’s impact on the home care sector has been devastating. Across Canada, it is well documented that workers and older people receiving care have experienced gruelling and isolating working and living conditions respectively. In Manitoba, most home care workers are im/migrants. While there is some emerging research on the experiences of im/migrant home care workers in Manitoba, there is a dearth of public knowledge about their experiences working and living in the province. As the provincial government struggles to recruit and retain home care workers, there is an increasing need for more research on im/migrant home care workers already in Manitoba. --Website description

Welcomes guest editors Lachlan MacKinnon and Steven High to the special issue on deindustrialization.

Pays homage to the wide-ranging interests of the activist and scholar, Teresa Healy (1962-2022).

Ontario’s provincial government enacted legislation in 2021 mandating employers to develop and maintain workplace policies with regard to employees disconnecting from work. The aim of this article is to examine the suitability of Ontario’s legislative response under the Employment Standards Act in the context of the “right to disconnect”. This paper argues that the Canadian “right to disconnect” in its current form is inadequate from a regulatory perspective and advocates for a stronger framework in this respect.

Dans cet article, les contrats de travail signés au Tennessee par les propriétaires fonciers et les affranchis sont placés au centre d'une étude sur un paradoxe de la liberté aux États-Unis. Nous soutenons l'idée que la santé des affranchis – qui comprend les soins médicaux, la subsistance et la protection physique – se négocie durant et après la guerre de Sécession dans le but d'assujettir les intérêts des Noirs, de l'État et des propriétaires terriens à un idéal de relations sociales de production régi par la liberté, le droit et le marché. En examinant les contrats de travail et leurs clauses médicales, nous revisitons l'approche médico-politique qui a maintes fois conduit les historiens à la thèse de l'échec de la Reconstruction. Nous plaçons aussi la famille noire dans le processus d'émancipation et de production par la voie des contrats et d'une relecture de la « culture de la dissimulation » proposée par l'historienne Darlene Clark Hine il y a plus de trente ans. Enfin, nous nous éloignons d'une lecture qui réduit les contrats à la seule oppression dont étaient victimes les Noirs après la guerre de Sécession. En complément, nous invitons le lecteur à examiner les débats sur la citoyenneté qui ont suivi la ratification du treizième amendement.

An illustrated, life-and times portrait of Mike Davis (1946-2022), the American writer, activist, urban theorist, and historian.

The article reviews the book, "Civilization: From Enlightenment Philosophy to Canadian History," by Elsbeth A. Heaman.

From Consent to Coercion examines the increasing assault against trade union rights and freedoms in Canada by federal and provincial governments. Centring the struggles of Canadian unionized workers, this book explores the diminution of the welfare state and the impacts that this erosion has had on broader working-class rights and standards of living. The fourth edition witnesses the passing of an era of free collective bargaining in Canada--an era in which the state and capital relied on obtaining the consent of workers and unions to act as subordinates in Canada's capitalist democracy. It looks at how the last twenty years have marked a return to a more open reliance of the state and capital on coercion--on force and on fear--to secure that subordination. From Consent to Coercion considers this conjuncture in the Canadian political economy amid growing precarity, poverty, and polarization in an otherwise indeterminate period of austerity. This important edition calls attention to the urgent task of rebuilding and renewing socialist politics--of thinking ambitiously and meeting new challenges with unique solutions to the left of social democracy. -- Publisher's description

Objectif de la recherche : Cet article interroge la pérennité des communautés de pratique (CoP), généralement considérée par des approches déterministes, en utilisant le cadre théorique des communs. Cet article propose donc par analogie d’analyser les CoP en tant qu’organization et organizing. Cette approche doit permettre d’identifier les conditions internes pour une reproduction d’une CoP. L’objectif de cette recherche est ainsi de comprendre les conditions d’auto-organisation et de pérennité d’une CoP. Méthodologie : Pour ce faire, nous utilisons une méthodologie mixte. Après une étude qualitative de plusieurs mois à observer et analyser deux CoP, nous nous appuyons sur une étude quantitative menée auprès de sept CoP au sein d’une entreprise, MUTUALIS. Un questionnaire permettant d’analyser l’organization et l’organizing des CoP a été envoyé aux membres. 76 réponses ont été retenues et analysées avec SMART PLS. Contribution : Si cet article identifie un potentiel de reproduction interne des CoP et donc de pérennité, il souligne également que celle-ci demeure partielle par son usage instrumental. En raison de ce dernier, les CoP minimisent leur reproduction organisationnelle et donc leur auto-organisation. Pour dépasser cette limite, le cadre du commun propose in fine une approche intégrative de l’organisation d’une action collective auto-organisée qui nous amène à penser la démocratisation à une échelle multiniveaux. Finalement, cette étude démontre l’impératif d’une transformation organisationnelle plus générale de l’entreprise qui ne peut être réduite à des dispositifs ou des communautés sporadiques.

Cet article interprète les nombreuses données empiriques sur la croissance, puis la stagnation des « modes de flexibilité » à l’aide de la théorie du procès de travail, en particulier en ce qui concerne le contrôle et la résistance. Dans un « cycle de risque », la direction saisit d’abord une occasion de réduire les coûts en transférant le risque du capital au travail par le biais d’un certain mode de flexibilité. Le mode choisi est de plus en plus utilisé jusqu’à ce que l’expansion soit bloquée par la nécessité de vaincre la résistance, d’obtenir le consentement et/ou d’exercer un contrôle. La direction cherche alors un nouveau mode. Le cycle de risque est cohérent avec les données de l’OCDE sur l’« emploi temporaire » et les données australiennes sur l’« emploi occasionnel ». Les implications pour l’économie à la demande et l’avenir du travail sont abordées.

This paper interprets extensive empirical data on the growth and then stagnation of “modes of flexibility” by using labour process theory, specifically with respect to control and resistance. In a “risk cycle,” management initially seizes an opportunity to reduce costs by transferring risk from capital to labour through some mode of flexibility. The chosen mode is used more and more until further expansion is blocked by the need to overcome resistance, to obtain consent and/or to exercise control. Management then seeks a new mode. The risk cycle is consistent with OECD data on “temporary employment,” and Australian data on “casual employment.” Implications for the gig economy and the future of work are discussed.

In our first report, A Sustainable Jobs Blueprint - Part I: Governance recommendations to support Canada’s clean energy workforce and economy, we examined the shift net-zero based on current global trends. The first report underscored the importance of sound sustainable jobs planning; a robust governance approach with internal structures and accountability mechanisms; and inclusive decision-making that brings workers to the table. This second report offers advice on the tactics the federal government can use as it makes investments and develops programs, with the goal of better and more fair outcomes for present and future workers as well as communities. We recommend the federal government take steps to advance the following seven worker- and economy-focused actions, discussed in greater detail in the report. --Website description

Proactive and responsive governments can put in place the foundations for stability through transitions that empower worker and community resiliency and ensure those socioeconomic changes are positive. These foundations include key enabling factors and mechanisms for collaboration, accountability, and implementation. The Pembina Institute and the Canadian Labour Congress have partnered to develop a Sustainable Jobs Blueprint, which identifies policy and investment recommendations tosupport the Canadian workforce in the transition to a net-zero economy. This is the first report in a series on sustainable jobs planning in Canada to support the creation and maintenance of decent jobs across Canada. Part one outlines a governance framework needed for a robust sustainable jobs approach in Canada and includes recommendations for government action. Part two will offer recommendations for an implementation plan, supported by the governance framework, that will best support workers and communities. --Website description/Introduction

The article reviews the book, "Les couleurs de la révolution. La gauche à l’épreuve du pouvoir. Venezuela, Équateur, Bolivie : un bilan à travers l’histoire," by Patrick Guillaudat and Pierre Mouterde.

The article reviews the book, "Putting Skill to Work: How to Create Good Jobs in Uncertain Times," by Nichola Lowe.

« Est-ce qu’il suffit de travailler moins pour retrouver l’équilibre entre les différentes facettes de nos vies surchargées ? La réduction du temps de travail est une revendication de longue date pour améliorer notre qualité de vie. En passant moins de temps au travail, nous pourrions enfin reprendre notre souffle et consacrer plus de temps à nos relations sociales, aux tâches domestiques ou encore pour s’engager dans la communauté. Mais est-ce que notre travail nous comble et contribue au bien commun ? Julia Posca interroge notre rapport au travail, explore sa nature et envisage les voies à emprunter pour lui redonner un sens. À la dystopie dans laquelle nous nous enfonçons toujours un peu plus, nous pourrions opposer l’utopie du travail « démarchandisé, démocratisé et dépollué ». Une invitation à revoir l’organisation du travail pour qu’il réponde d’abord aux besoins les plus « authentiques » : assurer à tous et toutes une existence digne, entretenir des relations riches, léguer une vie bonne aux futures générations. »--Quatrième de couverture

The article reviews the book, "Frontiers of Feminism: Movements and Influences in Québec and Italy, 1960–1980," by Jacinthe Michaud.

In the decades following the Second World War, women from all walks of life became increasingly frustrated by the world around them. Drawing on long-standing political traditions, these women bound together to revolutionize social norms and contest gender inequality. In Montreal, women activists inspired by Red power, Black Power, and Quebec liberation, among other social movements, mounted a multifront campaign against social injustice. Countercurrents looks beyond the defining "waves" metaphor to write a new history of feminism that incorporates parallel social movements into the overarching narrative of the women's movement. Case studies compare and reflect on the histories of the Quebec Native Women's Association, the Congress of Black Women, the Front de libération des femmes du Québec, various Haitian women's organizations, and the Collectif des femmes immigrantes du Québec and the political work they did. Bringing to light previously overlooked archival and oral sources, Amanda Ricci introduces a new cast of characters to the history of feminism in Quebec. The book presents a unique portrait of the resurgence of feminist activism, demonstrating its deep roots in Indigenous and Black communities and a transnational scope with wide-ranging inspirations and preoccupations. Advancing cross-cultural perspectives on women's movements, Countercurrents looks to the history of women's activism in Montreal and finds new ways of defining feminist priorities and imagining feminist futures. -- Publisher's description