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Today, hazardous work kills 2.3 million people each year and injures millions more. Among the most compelling yet controversial forms of legal protection for workers is the right to refuse unsafe work. The rise of globalization, precarious work, neoliberal politics, attacks on unions, and the idea of individual employment rights have challenged the protection of occupational health and safety for workers worldwide. This book presents the protection of refusal rights as a moral and a human rights question. The book finds that the protection of the right to refuse unsafe work, as constituted under international labor standards, is a failure and calls for a reexamination of worker health and safety policy from the ground up. The current model of protection follows an individual employment rights framework, which fails to protect workers against the inherent social inequalities within the employment relationship. To adequately protect the right to refuse as a human right, both in North America and around the world, the book argues that a broader protection must be granted under a freedom of association framework.

The article reviews the book, "Handbook of Research in International Human Resource Management," 2nd edition, edited by Gunter K. Stahl.

Analyzes the impact of climate change and climate policy on employment in the forest industry. --Editor's introduction

Analyzes the impact of climate change and climate policy on employment and skill requirements in the transportation equipment industry. --Editor's introduction

La One Big Union (OBU) a marqué l’histoire du mouvement ouvrier au Canada. Associée au courant du syndicalisme industriel révolutionnaire, l’OBU s’est développée au Québec dès 1919, tout particulièrement à Montréal. Ce mémoire nous permettra mieux comprendre les stratégies d’implantation du syndicat dans la province jusqu’en 1929, en nous attardant sur ses objectifs et ses moyens d’action. Notre recherche mettra en lumière la culture politique de l’organisation et de ses militants, ses périodes d’avancées et de reculs, de même que ses rapports parfois conflictuels avec le reste du mouvement ouvrier.

The Canadian labour movement faces an existential crisis. State and business hostility to unions is not new, but the attack has recently intensified as conservative political forces and major employer groups have embraced the agenda of the US Republican right. Mirroring anti-union US labour law would lead to the precipitous decline of union density in Canada, which is already eroding due to the manufacturing crisis and the long-standing failure of unions to organize in private services. The new attack is more a product of labour movement weakness than strength, and will be most effectively resisted by increasing union density and bargaining power in the private sector.

The article reviews the book, "A Labour History of Ireland, 1824-2000," by Emmet O'Connor.

In the late 1970s, feminist historians urged us to “rethink” Canada by placing women’s perspectives and experiences at the centre of historical analysis. Forty years later, feminism continues to inform history writing in Canada and has inspired historians to look beyond the nation and adopt a more global perspective. This exciting new volume of original essays opens with a discussion of the debates, themes, and methodological approaches that have preoccupied women’s and gender historians across Canada over the past twenty years. The chapters that follow showcase the work of new and established scholars who draw on the insights of critical race theory, postcolonial theory, and transnational history to re-examine familiar topics such as biography and oral history, paid and unpaid work, marriage and family, and women’s political action. Whether they focus on the marriage of Governor James Douglas and his Metis wife, Amelia; representations of saleswomen in department store catalogues; or the careers of professional women such as international child activist Charlotte Whitton and Quebec social work professors at Laval University, the contributors demonstrate the continued relevance – and growth – of history informed by feminist perspectives, and they open a much-needed dialogue between francophone and anglophone historians in Canada.-- Publisher's description

This thesis provides a multi-method – historical, quantitative, qualitative, and jurisprudential – socio-legal case study of the unionization of agricultural workers in British Columbia. Agricultural employees have access to the Labour Relations Code of British Columbia. A historical examination of exclusion of agricultural workers from labour relations legislation from 1937 to 1975 explores the rationale behind labour relations laws and the political context of the legislative exclusion. Next, economic aspects of BC’s agricultural sector are described, with a focus on employment characteristics and the regionalised nature of agricultural production. Finally, this thesis explains the legal aspects of an ongoing campaign by the United Food and Commercial Workers (UFCW) to unionize migrant and resident agricultural workers. The union organizing campaign shows how legal labour relations processes operate in relation to migrant workers in a sector with low rates of unionization and high rates of precarious and low-paid, dangerous work.

The article reviews the book, "Stalin's Man in Canada: Fred Rose and Soviet Espionage," by David Levy.

Pays homage to Irene Whitfield (1941-2013), who was managing editor of the journal from 1982 to 2007.

During World War I and the 1920s, African American trainmen throughout the South took advantage of federal administrative bodies that had set anti-discrimination rules to challenge racist employers and white trainmen alike. After the war, white workers insisted that African Americans be relegated to porter jobs. White employers demanded that African American workers who continued to work as brakemen and flagmen, as they had during the war, accept lower wages for such skilled work than their white counterparts were paid. The federal government preferred to turn a blind eye to racial discrimination against African American workers in the period after federal control of the railways ended. Despite this concerted attack from all sides on their rights, unions of African American trainmen continued their fight, with some success, before federal administrative tribunals as well as the courts to retain skilled positions and receive the same pay as their white equivalents. Only the devastation of rail jobs in the 1930s largely destroyed the African American trainmen's wartime gains.

Debates centered on the role of social networks as a determinant of labour market outcomes have a long history in economics and sociology; however, determining causality remains a challenge. In this study we use information on random assignment to a unique intervention to identify the impact of changes in the size of alternative social network measures on subsequent employment at both the individual and community levels. Our results indicate that being assigned to the treatment protocol significantly increased the size of social networks, particularly weak ties. Nevertheless, these increases do not translate into improved employment outcomes 18 months following study completion. We do not find any evidence of treatment effect heterogeneity based on the initial size of one’s social network; rather those whose strong ties increased at a higher rate during the experiment were significantly less likely to hold a job following the experiment. We find that many of these results also hold at the community level among those who did not directly participate in the intervention. In summary, our results suggest that policies can successfully influence the [End Page S1] size of an individual’s social network, but that these increases have a limited impact on long-run labour market outcomes, with the notable exception of changes in the composition of individuals who hold jobs.

The article reviews the book, "Du côté des vainqueurs : une sociologie de l’incertitude sur les marchés du travail," by François Sarfati.

The article reviews the book, "Game Plan: A Social History of Sport in Alberta," Karen L. Wall.

The article reviews the book, "Relentless Change: A Casebook for the Study of Canadian Business History," edited by Joe Martin.

Labour law does and must have a theory of justice. Without such a theory labour law has no account of the scope of its application or the point of its normative content. Scope and content are answerable to labour law's idea of justice and a change in our thinking about either entails a necessary rethinking of the other. Because labour law's world is changing labour law will have a new theory of justice. This chapter outlines briefly what such a theory might look like. It also discusses two lines of resistance to this way of thinking. --From editors' introduction

This article examines the revitalization of a union federation's capacity to represent young workers. It presents a qualitative study of the role and impact of one of the most developed forms of youth involvement in a union, youth committees. It first analyzes the extent to which these committees helped put the concerns of members under the age of 30 on the union federation's agenda and fostered their participation in its internal life. Second, it examines the ways in which these committees initiated a degree of change in the federation at the institutional level. Overall, our findings indicate that youth committees were able to question existing practices and initiate a degree of union change. However, the disagreements expressed by the young workers tended to remain confined within these parallel structures, thus limiting their potential to change the representative capacity of the federation.

The article reviews the book, "Brève histoire du régime seigneurial," by Benoît Grenier.

Work in the same-day courier sector is a precarious form of employment. Workers in this sector are also treated as self-employed and hired as independent contractors. The relationship with the firm for which they work, however, is hardly distinguishable from an employment relationship. Messengers are among a growing number of workers in Canada who can be labeled as disguised employees. To explore the phenomenon of disguised employment, I use a case study approach informed by critical political economic theory and a purposive approach to labour and employment law to examine work in the same-day courier sector in Toronto with a focus on a subpopulation of workers in this sector: bike messengers. I examine the causes and consequences of self-employment in the same-day courier sector, analyze messengers' work and argue that their employment status entails misclassification. In an increasingly market-mediated society we are witnessing a proliferation of unprotected work relationships with disguised employment being one manifestation of this development. Fortunately, some unions are trying to organize workers in disguised employment relationships. In this dissertation, I also examine an attempt by the Canadian Union of Postal Workers to organize workers in Toronto's same-day courier sector. I explore the processes and implications of organizing disguised employees and examine how organizing these workers relates to and can inform the project of union renewal in Canada. Gaining employee status, however, is no guarantee of successful organizing. The same-day courier sector is highly competitive and is dominated by small, decentralized employers. Organizing in such a sector is a formidable task. Under the collective bargaining regime, unions have to organize workers workplace by workplace. However, this is proving to be ineffective in highly competitive sectors dominated by small employers, and organizing efforts will likely only result in limited success. As I argue, unions can develop innovative strategies and tactics to organize workers. However, with the many structural obstacles unions face, these strategies and tactics can often fall short of their goals. To facilitate unionization in the same-day courier sector, the collective bargaining regime needs to be overhauled to mandate, or at least promote, multi-employer bargaining.