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Despite the centrality of public sector trade unionism in Canada today, its history remains largely unknown. Our attention remains fixed on the classic male proletarians of the industrial revolution. It might surprise you that the history of public sector unionism spans the 20th century, reaching back to the 19th century. United in Action tells the fascinating story of the Union of Canadian Transportation Employees (UCTE), one of five founding components of the Public Service Alliance of Canada (PSAC) in 1966. --Foreword

The article reviews the book, "Love’s Next Meeting: The Forgotten History of Homosexuality and the Left in American Culture," by Aaron S. Lecklider.

This unique Companion showcases the importance of valleys and their socio-economic, physical and cultural landscapes across three continents. Expert scholars in the field offer a broad range of disciplinary perspectives on the topic, discussing key historical and contemporary issues governing and transforming valleys. --Publisher's description

If you believed most of what's said about the Canadian Temporary Foreign Worker program, you might naturally assume that there is a trade-off between workers' poor experiences with the program and employers' significant benefits. In fact, neither is quite true: the experiences of workers are, in reality, far worse than is commonly acknowledged, while employers are not reaping as much benefit as the public might suppose. In Enduring Work Catherine Connelly draws on over one hundred interviews with people connected to different aspects of this program, analyzing their experiences from the perspective of organizational behaviour and human resources management. She compares the lived reality of agricultural workers, in-home caregivers, and low- and high-wage workers, showing how and why each group is vulnerable to mistreatment, albeit in different ways. She further explores how employment agencies and immigration consultants contribute to program abuses. Critically, Enduring Work provides the perspectives of employers, distinguishing between the reluctant users of the program who follow the rules and the reckless users who do not. Groundbreaking in its analysis of an issue very much in the news, Enduring Work unpacks the harms within Canada's Temporary Foreign Worker program and offers nuanced strategies to improve it. -- Publisher's description

The article reviews the book, "Les visages de l'État social, Assistantes sociales et familles populaires durant l'entre-deux-guerres," by Lola Zappi.

The article reviews the book, "Democracy at Work. Contract, Status and Post-Industrial Justice," by Ruth Dukes and Wolfgang Streeck.

Cet article explore les voies du renouvellement de l'étude des relations industrielles et du droit du travail. À travers un examen historique comparatif de ces deux domaines d’études, il examine leurs racines et héritages communs ainsi qu'une série d'initiatives de renouvellement. Il est soutenu que les deux domaines doivent se réapproprier des valeurs fondamentales : la reconnaissance de l'inégalité fondamentale des parties à la relation de travail et la reconnaissance de la nécessité de compenser cette inégalité par des processus collectifs. Les germes de ce renouveau sont identifiés à la fois dans le droit du travail et dans les relations industrielles. Leur avenir réside dans l'émergence d'un champ d’études intégré du travail et de l'emploi et dans le rôle et l'avenir du travail en tant que vecteur de démocratie.

This article explores paths for the renewal of the study of industrial relations and labour law. Through a comparative historical review of these two fields of study, it examines their common roots and legacies and a range of renewal initiatives. It is argued that both fields need to reappropriate core values: recognition of the fundamental inequality of the parties to the employment relationship; and recognition of the need to compensate for this inequality through collective processes. The seeds of this renewal are identified in both labour law and industrial relations. Their future lies in the emergence of an integrated field of study of work and employment and in the role and future of work as a vector of democracy.

The relationship between labour movements and the environment has been the subject of considerable debate but little empirical research. Using panel data for Canadian provinces between 2001 and 2019, this article investigates the relationship between unionization rates and two measures of environmental quality: greenhouse gas emissions and total particulate matter pollution. We find that higher unionization rates are associated with lower emissions for both these measures. This finding suggests that stronger labour organizations do not lead to detrimental environmental outcomes.

The article reviews and comments on two books by American author and historian Noel lgnatiev (1940-2019): "Treason to Whiteness is Loyalty to Humanity," edited by Geert Dhondt, Zhandarka Kurt, and Jarrod Shanahan, and "Acceptable Men: Life in the Largest Steel Mill in the World."

Contemporary North American work culture is characterized by experts as one of overwork. Throughout much of the previous century, many parents devoted themselves either to their careers, or to their families. These “competing devotions” served as a cultural model for making sense of the world and alleviated the tension between overwork and family life. Data from interviews with 84 IT workers are used to examine whether devotion to work and family is still experienced as oppositional for working parents. I find that interviewees report feeling devoted both to their families and their careers, which I refer to as dual devotion. Such espousals of dual devotion are facilitated by the use of flexible work policies—remote work and flextime—which enable those with dual devotions to accomplish work–life integration. However, whereas men perceive remote work as allowing them to dedicate more time to childcare, women perceive it as allowing them to dedicate more time to work. These findings advance our understanding of the relationship between gender inequality and the experiential dimensions of work and family time: the practices that enable dual devotions, in particular remote work, help parents maintain an orientation to time that makes overwork more palatable. In either case, workplaces win since women are working long hours and men are not sacrificing paid work hours to take on more childcare or housework.

Could “centralized” bodies of collective representation constitute a power resource for employees in contemporary fragmented work organizations? Referring to the particular features of the institutional framework in France, this article links the theory of power resources to the concept of institutional toying to show that the power resources of managers allow them to make use of institutional shortcomings that limit the scope of these bodies as power resources for employees. The article draws on the REPONSE 2017 (DARES) survey, which sought to quantify “fragmented” organizations and their collective representation bodies. Six case studies of fragmented companies are also used to illustrate the diversity of institutional toying strategies employed by managers.

Les instances « centralisées » de représentation collective pourraient-elles constituer une ressource de pouvoir pour les salariés dans les organisations de travail fragmentées contemporaines? En se référant aux spécificités du cadre institutionnel français, cet article articule la théorie des ressources de pouvoir au concept de modelage institutionnel pour faire apparaître que les ressources de pouvoir des directions leur permettent de s’appuyer sur des lacunes institutionnelles limitant la portée de ces instances comme ressources de pouvoir pour les salariés. Il utilise l’enquête REPONSE 2017 (DARES) pour quantifier les entreprises « éclatées » ainsi que leurs instances de représentation collective. Six monographies d’entreprises éclatées sont également mobilisées pour illustrer la diversité des stratégies de modelage institutionnel des directions.

The article reviews the book, "'Our Relations… The Mixed Bloods': Indigenous Transformation and Dispossession in the Western Great Lakes," by Larry Nesper.

Dans les dernières décennies, les spécialistes en relations industrielles (RI) n’ont cessé de préconiser une meilleure intégration de leurs théories et de leurs recherches empiriques sur le conflit à celles de leur discipline voisine, le comportement organisationnel (CO). La réalisation d’un tel objectif s’est néanmoins révélée un défi constant. Cet article offre une nouvelle perspective sur la quête de cette intégration par l’entremise d’une catégorisation des normes conceptuelles distinctes et dissemblables du conflit en RI et en CO, laquelle amène à conclure que les conceptualisations du conflit dans ces deux disciplines reposent sur des logiques inconciliables. Toutefois, même si ces logiques divergentes rendent impossible une conceptualisation unifiée du conflit, une meilleure compréhension de leur caractère inconciliable pourrait mener à un renforcement du dialogue et, à terme, à une discussion fructueuse entre les chercheurs en RI et en CO.

Over the past several decades, industrial relations (IR) scholars have consistently advocated for better integration of their conflict theory and empirical research with that of the neighbouring discipline of organizational behaviour (OB). Achievement of such a goal has nonetheless been a continuing challenge. Offering a novel perspective on the quest for integration, this paper categorizes the distinct and dissimilar conceptual norms of conflict in IR and OB, concluding that conceptualizations of conflict in the two disciplines are built upon irreconcilable logics. Although a unified conceptualization of conflict across these differing logics is not possible, a better understanding of their irreconcilability could facilitate a more robust and ultimately fruitful dialogue among IR and OB researchers.

The article reviews the book, "Perceptions de justice et santé au travail. L’organisation à l’épreuve. Collection Inégalité et justice sociale," edited by Stéphane Moulin.

The article reviews the book, "Unsettling the Great White North. Black Canadian History," by Funké Aladejebi and Michele A. Johnson.

Deborah Dundas is a journalist who grew up poor and almost didn’t make it to university. In On Class, she talks to writers, activists, those who work with the poor and those who are poor about what happens when we don’t talk about poverty or class—and what will happen when we do. Growing up poor, Deborah Dundas knew what it meant to want, to be hungry, and to long for social and economic dignity; she understood the crushing weight of having nothing much expected of you. But even after overcoming many of the usual barriers faced by lower- and working-class people, she still felt anxious about her place, and even in relatively safe spaces reluctant to broach the subject of class. While new social movements have generated open conversation about gender and racism, discussions of class rarely include the voices of those most deeply affected: the working class and poor. On Class is an exploration of the ways in which we talk about class: of who tells the stories, and who doesn’t, which ones tend to be repeated most often, and why this has to change. It asks the question: What don’t we talk about when we don’t talk about class? And what might happen if, finally, we did? --Publisher's description

Politics has often been conceptualized as a conflict between political parties that represent the economic interests of different groups in society. This conception of politics has, however, been considerably weakened by the economic and social transformations of the last decades and by the rise of post-materialist values among newer generations of electors. Indeed, the vote of manual workers for left-wing parties has declined significantly in recent decades as did the impact of left-wing parties on social spending. At the same time, the issue of low-wage work has become prominent in the partisan debates of several countries such as the United States, Canada and the United Kingdom following the mobilization of low-paid workers, unions and community associations. Low-wage workers who mainly work in the service sector have often precarious work and living conditions following decades of labor markets deregulation and are highly dependent on governmental policies to insure decent living and work conditions. One of these policies, the minimum wage, has been at the center of the electoral campaigns of many left-wing parties in recent years. However, the issue of low-wage work has rarely been studied in political science. This thesis seeks to explain the partisan dynamics surrounding the issue of low-wage work. My main argument is that low-wage workers tend to vote for left-wing parties in accordance with their economic interests, especially in countries with a weak degree of corporatism such as the United States and the United Kingdom. In those countries, left-wing parties have strong incentives to make pledges related to low-wage work like increasing the minimum wage in their electoral manifesto, because unions are unable to negotiate decent working conditions for the majority of workers. Indeed, in countries with weak corporatism, low-wage workers are very dependent on governmental interventions to ensure minimum working standards and improve their living conditions. In countries with strong corporatism, however, unions negotiate collective agreements that ensure minimum working conditions for the majority of workers, workers with weaker bargaining power are thus less dependent on government policies to insure decent working conditions. Therefore, left-wing parties should be able to consolidate their vote among low-wage workers in countries with a weak degree of corporatism. Once in power, left-wing parties should also increase the minimum wage and the direct cash transfers to low-income families more than governments led by right-wing parties, especially when corporatism is weak. The emphasis on policies targeted to low-wage workers by left-wing parties in countries with a weak degree of corporatism could also limit the capacity of radical parties to attract the vote of low-wage workers. This thesis is composed of 4 articles, one on electoral pledges related to low-wage work, one on the vote of low-wage workers, one on the impact of left-wing parties on minimum wages and one on the impact of left-wing parties on direct cash transfers received by low-income families. These four articles demonstrate the relevance of a materialist conception of politics and the role of institutions regulating the labor market on partisan dynamics.