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Temporary foreign worker programs have been both passionately criticized and applauded. They have been analyzed from multiple stakeholder perspectives - employers, workers, governments and unions - and in relation to various thematic arenas, including labour markets, employment standards, communities, health, and so on (see other authors in this issue). The implications of temporary workers and these programs for rights and citizenship have also been taken up (Basok 1999 and 2002, Preibisch 2004, Sharma 2006, Bauder 2007), although such discussions circulate less widely than those focused on employment. My purpose here is to situate temporary worker programs in relation to the concept of precarious status in order to contribute to discussions regarding citizenship and nation building - where the latter invokes questions about political community, rights, bases for membership, and belonging. I make a two-fold argument: 1 ) that temporary worker programs should be understood as one of several elements of policy practice that contribute to precarious status in Canada; and 2) that the connection between precarious status and citizenship needs to be analyzed and debated because it has important implications for citizenship and nation building in Canada. Since the 1970s, Canadian immigration and citizenship policy has selected immigrants and focused on supporting their transition to settled citizens, creating a nation where membership is framed in civic and multicultural terms. Recent policy shifts establish a two-tier system, with settled residents and citizens and an array of presumably temporary "others ."At the heart of the matter is whether Canada wants to pursue immigration and citizenship policies that entrench legal exclusion and cUscrimination based on migratory status, and potentially erode rights for all by virtue of reducing or eliminating them for some, or whether Canadians want to develop policies and strategies that provide alternatives, such as expanding social, civil and perhaps political rights for non-citizens, as well as earlier and more effective pathways to citizenship. Debating these issues can contribute to the ongoing process of defining and negotiating Canadian identities, values and norms as well as policies designed to expand social inclusion - for citizens as well as non -citizens in Canada. The discussion is organized into three sections. The first defines precarious status. The second situates temporary worker programs as contributing to a form of precarious status. The third section outlines and discusses implications of precarious status for citizenship, inclusion and nation building. Temporary entrance categories and the growth of precarious status. Forms of precarious status associated with temporary entrance categories are likely to persist and increase through two mechanisms: 1) as a continuation of the increase in temporary entries as well as the number of temporary residents present in Canada. The current economic crisis may put a dent in the admission of temporary workers (Galloway 2009), but this is unlikely to alter their long-term increase;7 and 2) through movement from authorized to unauthorized precarious statuses. It is possible to transition from temporary status to permanent resident status, as when foreign students or refugee claimants become permanent residents. This possibility is, however, extremely limited for most temporary workers; exceptions include those in the Live- in Caregiver Program and the recently created Canadian Experience Class, as well as through the Provincial Nominee Program, which has been used as a pathway to permanent residence for small numbers of workers in some provinces ([Elgersma] 2007, Byel 2007). What is also possible is movement from authorized to unauthorized precarious status. However, there are no systematic data relative to overstaying for the temporary resident category.

Este artículo analiza el aumento de trabajadores afiliados y la recuperación de la tasa de afiliación en relación a otros períodos históricos, en particular los años 1990 en la Argentina, en un contexto generalizado de caída de ese indicador en gran parte de los países desarrollados de la OCDE.La pregunta central que orienta el estudio refiere a conocer: ¿Qué factores explican la incipiente recuperación de la tasa de afiliación sindical? La respuesta a este interrogante se inscribe en una serie de debates nacionales e internacionales acerca de la definición de la afiliación sindical, su medición (o elaboración), su significado y particularmente los factores endógenos o exógenos que inciden en los trabajadores a afiliarse. En este sentido, la literatura reconoce factores exógenos al sindicato, como los económicos (Bain y Elsheikh, 1976; Metcalf, 2005; Visser, 2006), políticos (Wallerstein y Western, 2000; Frege y Kelly, 2003) y jurídico institucional (Freeman y Pelletier, 1990). En cuanto a los factores endógenos, se hace referencia a las técnicas de reclutamiento y estructura organizativa de los sindicatos (Undy et al., 1981; Herry, 2006). La información utilizada proviene de una encuesta de Relaciones Laborales realizada por el Ministerio de Trabajo, Empleo y Seguridad Social. La muestra comprende 1.553 empresas, representativas de un universo total de 53.038 firmas que emplean a 2.450.400 asalariados.Los resultados de la investigación revelan que los factores exógenos de orden jurídico institucional se han mantenido sin alteraciones durante décadas, sin embargo la tasa de afiliación cae durante los 1990 y se recupera a partir de 2003. La principal hipótesis del trabajo es que esta recuperación de la tasa de afiliación y aumento de afiliados se debe fundamentalmente a factores exógenos de orden político y económico como el aliento a la afiliación, el aumento general del empleo registrado y la expansión de la negociación colectiva. // This article analyzes the reasons for the increase in the number of affiliated workers and the upsurge in the unionization rate in Argentina, in relation to other historical periods, in particular the 1990s, in a generalized context of a drop in this indicator in a large proportion of OECD countries. The main question which directs this study is which factors explain the sudden increase in the unionization rate. The literature recognizes the existence of explanatory factors exogenous to the union, such as economic (Bain and Elsheikh, 1976; Metcalf, 2005; Visser, 2006), political (Wallerstein and Western, 2000; Frege and Kelly, 2003), and judicial institutional factors (Freeman and Pelletier, 1990). The research results reveal that even if exogenous judicial institutional factors were stable for decades, the unionization rate nevertheless fell during the 1990s, and then went up again beginning in 2003.

Explanations of the coexistence of conflict and cooperation in the employment relationship are often vague and-or misleading. Authors have frequently failed to distinguish between institutional bases for cooperation and the ideological orientations of employers and employees. Previous theorizing has typically presented cross-sectional views where the employment relationship is presented outside of its temporal context. Here it is argued that the extent and nature of conflict and cooperation between employers and their workforce should be understood through appreciating that interest alignment changes as an employment relationship moves from a short to a long term. In practice, the institutional basis for conflict mostly exists in the short and long term and cooperation in the long term exclusively. Using survey data obtained from fast food workers, the theoretical and strategic consequences of this view are explored in relation to new employment forms which have a modified concept of a long term.

Hired Hands or Human Resources? Case Studies of HRM Programs and Practices in Early American Industry, by Bruce E. Kaufman, is reviewed.

Social policy innovation in Canada remains stunted despite recent attempts at social policy renewal via intergovernmental agreements. The fusion of accountability and policy learning is typically blamed, yet this ignores other potential factors. This article examines the Labour Market Agreements for Persons with Disabilities to highlight impediments to social program expansion and reform within governments as well as between governments, and how the design of recent agreements serves to reinforce those impediments. We find that the linkage of accountability and policy learning means that learning gets caught up in long-standing federal-provincial disputes over jurisdiction, and leads to a perverse form of learning. We also [End Page 45] find significant barriers to innovation in the nature of federal government funding, which provides neither incentives for “have provinces” to expand their programming nor sufficient funds for “have not” provinces to successfully transform their programs.

The article reviews the book, "In Mixed Company: Taverns and Public Life in Upper Canada," by Julia Roberts.

The article reviews the book, "Class and Race Formation in North America," by James W. Russell.

La présente étude longitudinale, dans le prolongement de celle réalisée précédemment par Haines et Arcand (1997), vise à retracer et à analyser l’évolution de la profession ressources humaines sur une période de trois décennies, tout en situant cette évolution dans la perspective théorique de la professionnalisation (Wilensky, 1964).Pour ce faire, les chercheurs ont eu recours à l’analyse de contenu d’annonces de recrutement portant sur les emplois en gestion des ressources humaines parues dans le quotidien La Presse du samedi dans la section « carrières et professions » en 1975, 1985, 1995 et 2005. Les auteurs ont ensuite émis cinq hypothèses relatives à l’évolution des rôles et sept hypothèses relatives à l’évolution des compétences des professionnels en ressources humaines. Ces hypothèses sont, pour la plupart, confirmées. Ainsi, les résultats de l’étude tendent à démontrer une évolution marquée des exigences auxquelles doivent répondre les professionnels, notamment en termes de rôles et de compétences. Plus spécifiquement, les conclusions sont à l’effet que la profession ressources humaines a suivi un parcours marqué par l’appropriation d’un rôle stratégique et par une diversification des compétences. La période de référence de trente ans serait notamment marquée par l’augmentation de la demande pour un diplôme de deuxième cycle, une augmentation de la demande pour une expérience de travail dans le secteur d’activité qui recrute ainsi que par l’augmentation de la demande pour des connaissances telles la maîtrise de l’informatique, de l’anglais parlé ou écrit et d’habiletés comme l’esprit d’équipe, la communication et le leadership.Considérant le rôle important des professionnels en ressources humaines tant dans l’entreprise que dans le système de relations industrielles, alors même que l’on questionne à la fois l’avenir de la profession et sa légitimité sociale (Kochan, 2007), les résultats ont permis de dégager certaines pistes d’interventions, lesquelles devraient intéresser les personnes qui se préparent à exercer la profession, les institutions d’enseignements et les associations regroupant des professionnels en ressources humaines.

The article reviews the book, "Canadian State Trials, Volume III: Political Trials and Security Measures, 1840-1914," edited by Barry Wright and Susan Binnie.

The article reviews the book, "Les nouveaux cadres du dialogue social : Europe et territoires," edited by Annette Jobert.

The article reviews the book, "Gendered Struggles Against Globalisation in Mexico," by Teresa Healy.

The article reviews the book, "'A Happy Holiday': English Canadians and Transatlantic Tourism 1870-1930," by Cecilia Morgan.

The last two decades have seen an emergence of new forms of international employee representation within multinational corporations (MNCs). In EU member states, the management at MNCs find themselves having to deal with statutory European Works Councils (EWCs) while at a more global level some studies show a multiplication of solidarity networks and cross-border union alliances put in place by reinvigorated Global Union Federations (GUFs). In order to evaluate the extent to which these cross-border alliances can support the development of transnational collective bargaining within MNCs, this article draws on a single case study conducted recently in a Canadian MNC in the commercial printing industry, namely Quebecor World Inc. In recent years, before the dismantling of this Canadian multinational, union officials sought to coordinate the various unions in this company internationally and to open up a new space for collective bargaining at the transnational level by negotiating an international framework agreement with its management.

The article reviews the book, "Pubs, Pulpits and Prairie Fires" by Elroy Deimert.

The "no" vote in the Irish referendum of June 2008 on the Lisbon Treaty — reversed in October 2009 — threw the European Union into crisis. Yet it reflected a familiar pattern of popular rejection of initiatives on European integration. This article provides an overview of such referendums in western Europe. It is evident that while mainstream trade unions (or at least their leaders) have usually endorsed the integration process, in most countries where referendums have been held their members have voted otherwise. Such rejection has often been based on "progressive" rather than "reactionary" grounds. Popular attitudes are malleable, but it requires a major strategic re-orientation if unions are to reconnect with their members in order to build a popular movement for a genuinely social Europe.

The article reviews the book, "Raise Shit: Social Action Saving Lives," by Susan Boyd, Donald MacPherson, and Bud Osborn.

The 1950 Vancouver convention of the Co-operative Commonwealth Federation (ccf) opened against the backdrop of the Korean War and tense Cold War debates within Canada’s social democratic party. Providing a window into this moment of ideological tension, the gathering demonstrates how leftists sought to forge domestic and foreign policies amenable to the narrow public opinion of the McCarthy era. The convention also illuminates the complex character of British Columbia’s postwar left and the broader intellectual and political milieu of the early Cold War years in Canada – debates over the prohibition of atomic weapons and the relationship between markets and the state that would culminate in the ccf’s Winnipeg Declaration of Principles later in the 1950s. Finally, the Vancouver convention highlights the role of Trotskyists within the ccf, a strategy of ‘entryism’ that has been explored only peripherally in the historiography of social democracy in Canada. The ideological confrontation at Vancouver left the ccf squarely in the hands of ‘moderates,’ shaping ccf strategy and policy for its final decade of political activity, while muting the Canadian left’s independent voice in domestic and international affairs.

The article reviews a number of books, including: "Blowback: A Canadian History of Agent Orange and the War at Home" by Chris Arsenault; "The Black Book of Canadian Foreign Policy" by Yves Engler; "Afghanistan and Canada: Is There an Alternative to War?" edited by Lucia Kowaluk and Steven Staples; and three others.

This study focuses on the effectiveness of the federal Employment Equity Act (EEA). We assess the EEA with regard to female employees using quantitative data from employer reports published under the provisions of the EEA and the Canadian Census. Data in this study cover the period 1997 to 2004. The most significant finding is that employment equity has increased over time, but at a diminishing rate. If fact, there now may be something of a downturn in employment equity for women in the industries covered by the EEA. Several policy implications following from the study are provided.