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The article reviews the book, "In the Province of History: The Making of the Public Past in 20th-Century Nova Scotia," by Ian McKay and Robin Bates.
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The article reviews the book "Global Cities at Work: New Migrant Divisions of Labour," by Jane Will, Kavita Datta, Yarra Evans, Joanna Herbert, Jon May, and Cathy McIlwaine.
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The article reviews the book, "Those Who Work, Those Who Don't: Poverty, Morality and Family in Rural America," by Jennifer Sherman.
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The article reviews the book, "The Enduring Legacy: Oil, Culture, and Society in Venezuela," by Miguel Tinker Salas.
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The article reviews the book, "Transforming Labour: Women and Work in Postwar Canada," by Joan Sangster.
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Relying heavily on ILO standards, the Supreme Court of Canada in B.C. Health held for the first time that the Charter guarantee of freedom of association protects not only the right of unions to organize but also their right to bargain collectively. In the authors' view, the decision in B.C. Health calls into question the established legal framework of labour relations in Canada, according to which only those unions with majority support in the bargaining unit can exercise such rights, and implies that the state is under a duty to protect the associational rights of minority and non-statutory unions as well. This paper explores how the New Zealand experience with minority and pluralist unionism, as it has developed under that country's Employment Relations Act 2000, may provide guidance to Canada on what an alternative model might entail and on the consequences of adopting such a model. Emphasizing key points of comparison and contrast between New Zealand and Canada, the authors contend that a legal framework which supports majoritarian exclusivity can also allow and support minority unionism, in a way that is consistent with international standards on freedom of association.
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The article reviews the book, "Mondialisation et recomposition des relations professionnelles," edited by François Aballéa and Arnaud Mias.
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The article reviews the book, "I Have a Story to Tell You," edited by Seemah C. Berson.
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The article reviews the book, "Mine Towns: Buildings for Workers in Michigan’s Copper Country," by Alison K. Hoagland.
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This article explores the contradictions in the Canadian Auto Workers Union’s (CAW) approach to environmental issues, particularly climate change. Despite being one of the Canadian labor movement’s leading proponents of social unionism— understood as a union ethos committed to working-class interests beyond the workplace, and a strategic repertoire that involves community-union alliances— the CAW’s environmental activism demonstrates the contradictory way that social unionism can be understood and practiced by unions. Through a critical discourse analysis of CAW policy documents and leadership statements, we show the union has not reframed its bargaining demands to emphasize both economically and environmentally sustainable production. Instead, the CAW’s relatively uncritical defense of the North American auto industry and the jobs it provides, despite the clearly negative role such production plays in the climate crisis, its acceptance of the structures of automobility, and its emphasis on environmental issues that have little to do with the nature of their industry, indicates the way that social unionism can be an add-on rather than a fundamental reorientation of a union’s role and purpose. We argue that, for social unionist environmental activism to be effective, the CAW must incorporate social unionist goals and analyses into their bargaining priorities, and confront the contradictions between their members’ interests as autoworkers, on the one hand, and as workers and global citizens who require economically and environmentally sustainable livelihoods, on the other.
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Using strategies first developed in the inter-war years, the ILO has repositioned itself to play a leading role in our understanding of the relationship between employment policies and growth, particularly in relation to poverty reduction strategies. To do this, the ILO has forged increasingly strong relationships with key international financial institutions (IFIs), in which the inclusion of ILO-driven strategies for Decent Work and core labour standards has been important. Whilst this repositioning has been questioned by some who fear that an original purpose of the 110 may be lost, and the technical implementation of the ILO agenda in conjunction with the IFIs is not without difficulties, the ILO's status as a major international agency for the advancement of human development has been reinforced.
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The article reviews the book, "Burlesque West: Showgirls, Sex and Sin in Postwar Vancouver," by Becki Ross.
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Unions, Equity, and the Path to Renewal, edited by Janice Foley and Patricia Baker, is reviewed.
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Ethical Socialism and the Trade Unions: Allan Flanders and British Industrial Relations Reform, by John Kelly, is reviewed.
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The article reviews the book, "Codes of Misconduct: The Regulation of Prostitution in Colonial Bombay," by Ashwini Tambe.
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Discusses the history of the "Rand Formula," which established the compulsory union dues checkoff for collective work places. A cornerstone of Canadian labour law, the Formula originated in 1946 from an arbitration ruling by Supreme Court Justice Ivan C. Rand following a strike at the Ford motor plant in Windsor, Ontario, in 1945. The political and legal aspects of Rand's ruling are analyzed.
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The authors use the 1999 North American Academic Study Survey to examine attitudes of American and Canadian faculty and administrators towards faculty unions and collective bargaining. Comparative and statistical analyses of the survey data show the effect of cultural, institutional, political, positional, socio-economic, and academic factors on support for collective bargaining and faculty unionism in American and Canadian universities. Analysis of the survey data shows that US-Canada differences generally outweigh positional differences among professors and administrators. Such factors as political ideology, experience with faculty bargaining, administrators' opposition, institutional quality, income, gender, and academic discipline, are found to be significant determinants of the attitudes towards faculty unions and collective bargaining.
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The Great Recession has left in its wake an expected “age of austerity” where deficits accumulated to stave off economic collapse, are being addressed through steep cuts to government spending, with profound implications for social services and public sector employment. In an earlier era of austerity, eleven mass strikes and enormous demonstrations swept through the major cities of Ontario. This Days of Action movement – which has real relevance for the current period – began in the fall of 1995, continued through all of 1996 and 1997, and came to an end in 1998. This article, part of a larger research project, focuses on the movement’s origins. Two themes shape the overall project: the relation between social movements “outside” the workplace and union struggles themselves; and the relationship between the energetic inexperience of newly‐active union members, and the pessimistic institutional experience embodied in a quite developed layer of full‐time union officials. It is the former – the dialectic between social movements and trade unions in the Days of Action, that will be the focus of this article.
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The article reviews the book, "Losing Control: Canada’s Social Conservatives in the Age of Rights," by Tom Warner.
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The article reviews the book, "Zapatistas: Rebellion From the Grassroots," by Alex Khasnabish, part of the "Rebel" book series.
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