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The article examines two internal union strategies for improving equality bargaining. The first, representational democracy (RD), highlights the demographic profile of women’s participation in collective bargaining (CB). The discussion presents the existing, albeit imperfect, data on women’s participation. It supports the continuing importance of the gender profiles of negotiators, but also considers the limits of RD via an exploration of essentialism, critical mass and gender composition. It concludes that RD is a limited proxy for voice, and, given the individualism inherent in its claims, an imperfect vehicle for collective agency. The paper then develops the concept of representational justice (RJ), which speaks to collective mechanisms which ensure that women’s interests are represented; in effect, a move from individual equality champions to vehicles for championing equality. As one means to such an end, the article argues for building formal and constitutionalized links between CB and union equality structures. Highlighting internal union strategies to support equality bargaining complements the widespread focus on the substantive issues on the bargaining agenda and takes the discussion of equality bargaining in new directions. Certainly, this approach underscores the importance of unions linking struggles around diversity, equality and representation inside unions to the CB process and agenda.

The article reviews and comments on the books, "Selling Sex: Experience, Advocacy, and Research on Sex Work in Canada," edited by Emily van der Meulen, Elya M. Durisin, and Victoria Love; "Sex Work: Rethinking the Job, Respecting the Workers," by Colette Parent, Chris Bruckert, Patrice Corriveau, Maria Nengeh Mensah, and Louise Toupin; and "From Bleeding Hearts to Critical Thinking: Exploring the Issue of Human Trafficking," edited by Kamala Kempadoo and Darja Davydova.

Introduces 10 papers given at a roundtable, entitled History Under Harper, that was convened by the Canadian history and political science associations. Takes note of the royalist and militarist overtones of Prime Minister Stephen Harper's efforts to shape Canadian national identity, such as the unprecedented anniversary celebration of the War of 1812, as well as the Conservative government's decision to conduct a thorough review of the teaching of history in primary and postsecondary institutions.

Across countries, union membership and voter turnout are highly correlated. In unadjusted terms union members maintain a roughly 0.10 to 0.12 point gap in voting propensity over non-members. We propose a model -- with three causal channels -- that explains this correlation and then empirically tests for the contribution of each channel to the overall union voting gap. The first channel through which union members are more likely to vote is through the so-called "monopoly face" of unionism whereby unions increase wages for members and higher incomes are a significant positive determinant of voting. The second is the "social custom" model of unionism whereby co-worker peer pressure creates incentives for union members to vote alongside fellow members. The third channel is based on the "voice face" of unionism whereby employees who are (or have been) exposed to collective bargaining and union representation at the workplace are also more likely to increase their attachment to democratic engagement in society at large. We test to see how much of the raw "union voting gap" is accounted for by these three competing channels using data from 29 European countries. We find that all three channels are at work, with the voice accounting for half of the overall gap and the other two channels (monopoly face and social custom) each accounting for approximately a quarter of the overall union voting gap.

"[D]iscusses the issues of gender and status at Carleton University in the broader context of the pursuit of equity in Ontario during the 1960s and 1970s." -- Editors' introduction.

This article reviews the book, "Wrestling with Democracy: Voting Systems as Politics in the Twentieth-Century West," by Dennis Pilon.

The article reviews the book, "Progressive Education: Revisioning and Reframing Ontario's Public Schools, 1919-1942," by Theodore Michael Christou.

This article reviews the book, "Writing Unemployment: Worklessness, Mobility, and Citizenship in Twentieth-Century Canadian Literatures," by Jody Mason.

Licenciements, restructurations et fermetures d’usines demeurent, dans le présent contexte de crise économique, au coeur de l’actualité. Cet environnement turbulent a des conséquences sur l’emploi local. C’est dans ce récent contexte de crise, menaçant l’emploi et les entreprises, que certaines organisations se sont emparées d’un dispositif de gestion des ressources humaines innovant : la mise à disposition de salariés (MAD). Ce dispositif vise à sauvegarder l’emploi local ainsi qu’à accroître le panel de compétences des salariés en bénéficiant. Il implique diverses organisations ayant pour but principal d’éviter les licenciements et de favoriser l’acquisition de nouvelles compétences pour les salariés y participant. Le prêt de main-d’oeuvre suppose que l’entreprise prêteuse ne facture à l’entreprise utilisatrice que la stricte valeur des salaires versés au salarié pendant la mise à disposition, des charges sociales afférentes, ainsi que, s’il y a lieu, des frais professionnels remboursés à l’intéressé au titre de la mise à disposition. Il s’agit d’un dispositif d’entraide à but non lucratif, généralement privilégié lorsque les entreprises ont des relations de proximité : géographique, dès lors que les acteurs sont localisés sur un même espace, mais aussi socio-économique, dès lors que les acteurs développent des relations. Trois pôles de compétitivité Rhône-Alpin ont été étudiés, dans lesquels l’utilisation de prêt de main-d’oeuvre entre organisations privées et centre de recherche public a été mise à profit. La grille de lecture utilisée correspond à la démarche analytique de l’économie de la proximité (Bouba-Olga et Grossetti, 2008). Nous nous attachons à répondre à la problématique suivante : dans quelles conditions la proximité permet-elle de construire des formules innovantes de GRH inter-organisationnelles, telles que le prêt de main-d’oeuvre ? Les résultats montrent que la proximité, qu’elle soit géographique ou socio-économique, permet de construire des dispositifs de GRH inter-organisationnelle innovants tels que la mise à disposition de salariés.

The article reviews and comments on the books, "Raising the Workers’ Flag: The Workers’ Unity League of Canada, 1930–1936," by Stephen Endicott; "Labour Goes to War: The CIO and the Construction of a New Social Order, 1939–1945," by Wendy Cuthbertson; "Our Union: UAW/CAW Local 27 from 1950 to 1990," by Jason Russell; and "Union Power: Solidarity and Struggle in Niagara," by Carmela Patrias and Larry Savage.

This paper describes a case study of a particular form of knowledge worker, lawyers and their efforts to achieve collective bargaining. Within self-regulated professions like law, the professional regulatory body controls much of the labour process and defines the body of professional knowledge. Apprenticeships, such as clinical locums in medicine and articles in law, play an important role in the transfer of labour process norms. However, more and more professionals seek employment in large organizations where the autonomy historically enjoyed by the self-employed worker and crafted in the confines of mentorships is increasingly subject to bureaucratic and administrative controls. In large employment settings rules and policies may interfere with workers' exercise of professional discretion and full utilization of their knowledge. The result of the erosion of traditional labour process power under bureaucratic forms of organization leads professionals to seek alternate forms of control. Many turn to collective bargaining as a means to wrest back control over the application of discretionary judgment from large, often public sector, employers.

We estimate the effect of minimum wages on employment using the Master Files of the Canadian Labour Force Survey over the recent period 1997–2008. Particular attention is paid to the differences between permanent and temporary minimum wage workers—an important distinction not made in the existing literature. Our estimates for permanent and temporary minimum wage workers combined are at the lower end of estimates based on Canadian studies estimated over earlier time periods, suggesting that the adverse employment effects are declining over time for reasons discussed. Importantly, the adverse employment effects are substantially larger for permanent compared to temporary minimum wage workers; in fact they fall almost exclusively on permanent minimum wage workers.

We study public-sector bargaining and contract outcomes using Canadian data from 1978 to 2008. We have a number of interesting results, but our principal findings are from our analysis of wage settlements. We find that the essential services designation, which only allows non-essential members of a bargain unit to strike, is associated with decreases in wages. Our estimates also suggest that there is an arbitration wage premium and that making adjustments to the ability to pay criterion used by arbitrators to determine awards does not affect this premium. We also discuss the implications of our estimates.

We examine the effects of collective bargaining legislation, such as (among others) bans on replacement workers and reinstatement rights, on private sector strike activity and wage settlements using Canadian data from 1978 to 2008. Our estimates indicate that this legislation does not have a statistically significant effect on the incidence of strikes. However, we do find that some of the policy variables have a statistically significant effect on strike duration and wage settlements.

This paper examines the Amalgamated Transit Union’s (ATU) discussion of environmental issues since the mid 1980s. We explore the trialectic relationship between capital, labour and nature in Canada’s public transit unions, primarily through the lens of labour geography. In a review of union documents and Canadian newspapers we find the state uses the environment as a wedge issue in its ‘war or position’ with unions, representing workers’ strike actions as harmful to the environment and the community. The state’s positioning of ATU members as crucial to both the functioning of communities and environmental sustainability lends itself to counter-hegemonic campaign strategies. We examine a recent campaign by Toronto’s ATU Local 113 entitled “Protecting What Matters” as a local union’s community and environmental strategies during a period of austerity. The paper concludes with lessons learned from a labour geography perspective and calls for a more community based approach to resistance.

The article discusses the relation of comic books and graphic novels to academic research and political activism. Topics include educational theorist Paulo Freire's notion of conscientization, "The 500 Years of Resistance Comic Book," written and illustrated by Gord Hill, and "Shift in Progress: A Not-So-Comic Book," by J. D. Gysbers and M. von Gaza. The comic book "A People's History of American Empire," by Howard Zinn with Paul Buhle and Mike Konopacki is noted.

This thesis investigates different statutory models Canadian legislatures have enacted to address workplace harassment. It adopts a qualitative, comparative case study approach, providing an in-depth comparative analysis of legislation from Québec, Saskatchewan, Ontario, Manitoba and British Columbia. Through this analysis, this thesis outlines the ways in which workplace harassment has been regulated in Canada, why that model was adopted by the jurisdiction and how that model measures against other models for legislating workplace harassment. Through an examination of existing literature relating to workplace harassment stemming from three theoretical paradigms and an analysis of a model legislative framework, this thesis creates a tool for scholars and lawmakers to use for future research and enactments of workplace harassment legislation. Overall, this thesis demonstrates that the varying and complex nature of the enacted legislation in the aforementioned Canadian jurisdictions leaves room for improvement for future enactments and amendments of workplace harassment legislation.

This case study explores some of the strategies, challenges, and paradoxes of producing and mobilizing alternative knowledge in the prosecution of a “war of position" against neoliberal hegemony. Since its founding in 1980, the Canadian Centre for Policy Alternatives (CCPA) has become the key labour-supported “think tank” of the left in Canada, contributing to the process of social democratization by acting as a collective organic intellectual for a wide range of oppositional groups and networks that, we suggest, make up a social democratic community of practice. The CCPA has developed a number of strategies aimed at democratizing knowledge production, perhaps unique in the context of Canadian policy groups. Nonetheless, it faces a number of challenges in following through with these strategies and potential paradoxes in simultaneously engaging both the mainstream (general public and policymakers) and the various counterpublics that make up its community of practice.

This paper examines a relative rarity in recent Canadian labour-state relations: the successful resistance by public sector workers and their allies to government-driven employment precarity. At stake was Toronto mayor Rob Ford's determination to contract out a thousand jobs held by city cleaners. In response, the cleaners and the city's labour movement launched a Justice and Dignity for Cleaners campaign to preserve these jobs as living wage employment. Effective coalition building behind a morally compelling campaign, together with some fortuitous political alignments, has forestalled city efforts to privatize a significant yet undervalued segment of the workforce. Our examination of the Justice and Dignity for Cleaners campaign reveals that resistance to precarity is not futile, notwithstanding some attendant ambiguity of what constitutes a labour victory.

For the purpose of trade union renewal, it is suggested that trade unions need to convert themselves from being institutions centred on employer-employee relations to open source ones engaged with broader social justice issues. In this article, we offer two elements to the debate on trade union revival: first, we focus on two rapidly emerging economies with a corporatist and state-centered union structure (i.e., Brazil and India); second, in the context of these two countries, we challenge the idea that informal workers are a burden for trade union organizations. We consider the possible contributions that informal workers could make towards the renewal of trade unions in these two countries. We argue that trade unions could take advantage of these contributions if they overcome the employee horizon, which originated in Western countries and excludes millions of workers from its purview in Brazil and India. We propose the concept of "homo faber" as a new horizon for trade union organization, which is inclusive of both formal as well as informal workers.