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The article reviews the book, "The Labor Question in America: Economic Democracy in the Gilded Age," by Rosanne Currarino.

In recent years, the attractiveness of temporary placement agencies for nurses has grown significantly. In a labour scarcity context, it is worth exploring the motivations that encourage nurses to choose temporary work and remain loyal to their agency. Building on the classification of Tan and Tan (2002), four sources of motivation were explored: individual or family incentives, economic incentives, professional motivations and personal preferences. Regarding family motivations, this study was mainly interested in the role of flexible working conditions offered by placement agencies. Concerning economic motivations, we examined the influence of pay conditions. Our investigation of professional motivations centered on agency nurses' opportunities for skills development. Finally, the role of personal preferences was explored via workload. The results of our study, conducted on two samples, one of 500 nurses working in nursing agencies in Quebec and the other of 99 nurses from two agencies, showed that family and professional development motivations had a positive influence on agency nurses' satisfaction. In contrast, their loyalty is more closely related to the need for flexible hours, training and skills development, job security and the possibility of choosing one's assignments. Good salary conditions are not sufficient. Nurses who choose temporary work are motivated by more than a quest for better economic conditions. They also want greater freedom of choice and self-determination, and more opportunities for professional development.

The way industrial conflict and worker resistance have been analyzed has undergone significant transformation over the past few decades. While researchers have observed the quantitative decline of traditional forms of employee resistance, others have highlighted the diversity and range of more informal employee behaviours. Following Peetz (2002), we show six distinct forms of worker resistance in response to three overlapping decollectivizing employer strategies. We locate the trajectory and significance of these employer strategies and subsequent forms of worker resistance in a neglected consideration of institutional and industrial context. The implications for the way worker resistance and misbehaviour is analyzed and theorized in an increasingly non-union world are discussed. The paper indicates the need to consider the importance of institutional factors in reassessing potential delineations between what are considered formal (and often collective) indicators of conflict, and those more informal instances of workplace misbehaviour.

Research on sex work has documented the harmful effects of criminalization on sex workers' safety. Despite this body of research, the effects of criminalization on the organization of labour within the sex industry and sex workers' suggestions for labour improvements have been largely ignored. In part, this is .due to the mostly hypothetical nature of sex work labour organizing, as many common work-related activities are illegal. When one cannot work from a fixed location, have a manager or employer, or communicate about the terms and conditions of services, focusing on labour improvements can become secondary to protecting oneself from criminal charges. However, the 2010 Ontario Superior Court ruling to decriminalize aspects of prostitution opens the door for a mole nuanced analysis of sex work as a form of labour and for the development of diverse labour organizing strategies. This article presents narratives from a qualitative study with ten current and former sex workers and two allies. It begins by highlighting interviewees' arguments in favour of a "sex is work" paradigm before presenting their suggestions for workplace improvements and ideas about effective labour organizing efforts.

In mid-February 1949, workers at the Jeffrey Mine in Asbestos, Québec, voted to strike against the American-owned Johns-Manville Company. This work stoppage precipitated a provincial industry-wide strike that lasted for almost five months. The 1949 Asbestos strike has been incorporated into Québec's broader political historiography, and is generally regarded as a critical turning point in the history of labour and social relations in French-speaking Canada. Yet the environmental health aspects of the conflict in Asbestos remain largely unexamined. Showing how environmental health issues were a trigger for the strike and a sustained goal of the Asbestos workers seeking improvements in their conditions of work, this article demonstrates how central dust and disease were in the negotiations and arbitration hearings involving unionized workers and the company, both in 1949 and in the years that followed. It also accents the extent to which these environmental issues became health concerns that spread throughout the community. In looking at the Asbestos strike of 1949 through the lens of environmental concerns, fresh insight is gained about the nature of one of Canada's major labour conflicts, expanding our understanding of how health issues emerging in the workplace but extending well past it can affect the nature of everyday life and well being in a resource community.

When Harvey Murphy, the pugnacious western regional director of the International Union of Mine, Mill and Smelter Workers, learned that his friend and fellow leftist, American opera star Paul Robeson, was not going to be allowed to cross the Canada-United States border to sing at the Vancouver Mine-Mill convention on February 1, 1952, he didn’t mourn, he organized. First, he organized an impromptu concert where Robeson sang through long-distance phone lines to the delight of convention delegates. Then he promised a much bigger concert that May at the Peace Arch near the Canada-United States border at Blaine, Washington. If the American authorities wouldn’t let Robeson come to the convention, Murphy reasoned, they would take the convention to Robeson. Those authorities had quietly pulled Robeson’s passport in 1950. Had they needed to defend the suspension of the singer’s constitutional right to free passage, they might have said it was a matter of national security; they were protecting the nation from a threat of Communist infiltration. But they needed no such defence. After all, it was the McCarthy era and Communist sympathizers like Robeson were fair game.

Dans cet article, nous analysons l’activité de travail d’opérateurs en situation de handicap, en prenant en compte leur santé, leur sécurité, leurs compétences professionnelles et les activités de médiation des moniteurs d’atelier qui les encadrent, avec l’objectif de préciser des caractéristiques de ce que pourraient être des situations capacitantes pour ces opérateurs. Nous présentons deux études ergonomiques réalisées dans des ateliers de travail protégé en France, au sein d’un établissement et service d’aide par le travail (ESAT). La notion « d’environnement capacitant » nous sert de fil directeur pour aborder les conditions de travail des personnes en situation de handicap mais aussi les situations d’apprentissage qui leur sont proposées. Nous avons ainsi identifié des postes de travail et du matériel qui conduisent à des postures inadaptées et dangereuses ; des stratégies de travail qui permettent aux opérateurs de se préserver mais qui sont aussi limitées et insuffisantes, et des difficultés qui leur font courir des risques. Nous soulignons également des difficultés d’apprentissage en situation. Les moniteurs d’atelier ont un rôle central. Leurs activités de médiation sont un déterminant du développement possible des opérateurs handicapés : d’une part, parce que leur rôle pédagogique est important et, d’autre part, parce qu’ils prennent en charge une partie de la gestion des risques des opérateurs. Ils ont donc une véritable activité de prévention des risques d’atteinte à la santé de ces opérateurs. Toutefois, leurs propres conditions de travail, leur manque de connaissances sur les handicaps et leur faible accès à des formations limitent leurs apports à la fois sur le plan pédagogique et sur le plan de la prévention des risques. Concevoir des situations capacitantes pour des opérateurs en atelier protégé passe par l’amélioration des conditions de travail des opérateurs handicapés, mais aussi par l’amélioration des conditions de travail et d’accès à des formations des moniteurs.

The article reviews the book, "I'm Neither Here nor There: Mexicans' Quotidian Struggles With Migration and Poverty," by Patricia Zavella.

Institutionalized forgetting about the scope of the Trotskyist experience in the United States was on display in every venue following the deaths of Peter Rafael Bloch (1921-2008), an authority on Puerto Rican artistic culture, and George Perle (born George Perlman, 1915-2009), a Pulitzer Prize-winning music theorist and composer once married to the sculptress and painter Laura Slobe (1909-58). Nothing written even hinted that the two iconoclasts were in the past highly educated and committed Marxists, or that revolutionary ideas oxygenated their cultural thinking at crucial moments. Alarm over memory loss of this type is the motive for this present essay, which appraises the lives of Bloch, Perle, and Slobe along with other "Bohemians" who sought a vexed amalgam of unconstrained cultural creativity, personal freedom, and disciplined "Bolshevik" politics in the Socialist Workers Party (swp) during the late 1940s and 1950s. What can be recovered of the political and personal passions of many "outlaw" lives on the Left, of cultural revolutionaries and sexual non-conformists, especially from those who infused anti-capitalism with anti-Stalinism, are only fragmentary narratives to be steered warily into coherency. For the postwar decade, one must write a kind of ghostly history, the reconstruction of the presence of an absence in a time of persecution.

The article reviews the book, "Woody Guthrie, American Radical," by William Kaufman.

This paper examines the impact of unions on employment growth in a longitudinal sample of Canadian workplaces collected during the period 2001-2006. To facilitate comparability with earlier Canadian results, we segment our analysis by industrial sector and establishment size, and find that unions suppress employment growth only in larger manufacturing establishments, and actually seem to promote employment growth among smaller service sector establishments. These results differ substantially from results found twenty-one years previously. We extend previous analysis by examining whether a declining union wage premium may have played a role in these results, and find suggestive evidence for such a contention.

This paper presents a case study of pregnancy/parental leave arrangements among faculty members at a mid-sized Canadian University from 2000-2010. The data show that leave arrangements were very inconsistent across faculties, across and within departments, and even for individual faculty members who had taken more than one leave. The majority of problematic cases were instances where a faculty member began or ended a leave in the middle of an academic term. Without specific language in their collective agreement, these faculty members often negotiated circumstances that carried individual penalties for duties that were unassigned in light of the leave. This research has implications for unions who must be particularly vigilant and active in professional environments where individual negotiation takes place and union consciousness is lower. It also emphasizes the burden placed on parents when the bearing and rearing of children is framed as an individual right rather than an issue of social reproduction. The paper uses data from a sample of collective agreements across Canadian universities to make recommendations to clarify the procedures for pregnancy and parental leave.

The article reviews the book, "The Archaeology of American Capitalism: The American Experience in an Archaeological Perspective," by Christopher N. Matthews.

In October 2010, the provincial government of Ontario, Canada enacted the Open for Business Act (OBA). A central component of the OBA is its provisions aiming to streamline the enforcement of Ontario’s Employment Standards Act (ESA). The OBA’s changes to the ESA are an attempt to manage a crisis of employment standards (ES) enforcement, arising from decades of ineffective regulation, by entrenching an individualised enforcement model. The Act aims to streamline enforcement by screening people assumed to be lacking definitive proof of violations out of the complaints process. The OBA therefore produces a new category of ‘illegitimate claimants’ and attributes administrative backlogs to these people. Instead of improving the protection of workers, the OBA embeds new racialised and gendered modes of exclusion in the ES enforcement process.

This historiographical essay surveys scholarship on Scottish settlement in Canada which it classifies into three broad categories: first, works that focus on the contribution of notable Scots; second, scholarship that examines the ‘Scottish’ character of Nova Scotia; and third, investigations of Highland enclave settlements – especially in eastern Canada. The study argues that the relatively neglected experience of Scots in British Columbia offers the most fruitful comparison with the circumstances of Scottish settlers in New Zealand. In both contexts, Scottish migration contributed to the dispossession of large numbers of indigenous peoples even as some Scots contributed significantly to trade unionism and international socialist movements that sought to bring social justice to all peoples regardless of ethnicity.

This article engages in a comparative analysis of the U.S. and Canadian labor movements’ attitudes toward nuclear power, in both historical and contemporary periods, with a view to explaining the divergent policy positions on nuclear power adopted by the Canadian Labour Congress (CLC) and the AFL-CIO, respectively. The contrasting views of the AFL-CIO and CLC, it is argued, arise not simply from differing levels of commitment to the principles of social unionism, but from a more complex mesh of ideological, pragmatic, and institutional factors related to union-party relationships and other important differences pertaining to the culture, membership composition, organizational maintenance requirements, and decision-making power bases in both labor organizations.

English/French abstracts of articles in the Fall 2011 issue.