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Full bibliography 12,879 resources
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The article reviews the book, "Agir ensemble. Penser la démocratie sydicale," by Christian Nadeau.
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Le but de cet article est de comprendre la dynamique de mediation en associant ses antecedents, ses differentes manifestations et un resultat : l'accord. Théoriquement, en proposant une approche synthétique qui integre des elements contextuels, comme la presence de tiers ou les caracteristiques des mediateurs, cette recherche realise une contribution academique importante, d'autant que ces elements sont demeures ignores par la litterature. Empiriquement, le choix du contexte français est porteur d'enseignements manageriaux importants. Lorsque le nouveau gouvernement redefinit les fondements du droit du travail en donnant un nouveau rôle a la branche professionnelle, mieux comprendre comment l'action d'un mediateur valorise l'emergence d'un accord nous apparaît fructueux pour tous les partenaires. De meme, ce travail permet de valoriser la complexity du rôle tenu par le mediateur pour l'obtention d'un accord.
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Thousands of Russian anarchist immigrants, organized by the Union of Russian Workers (URW), took part in a surging union movement and strike wave that broke out across North America in the 1910s. However, they have received scant attention from historians, and no account of the URW exists. My dissertation fills in this gap by detailing the activity of the URW against the background of the rising labor movement, and it considers the question of anarchism's relationship to the working class. Historians have traditionally situated anarchism outside of the labor movement, yet the Russian anarchists in North America joined both radical and mainstream unions, and URW leaders recruited migrants explicitly by appealing to their class interests as foreign workers exploited by American capitalism. The study highlights the anarchists’ involvement in labor organizing, and it centers their perspectives to help narrate a history of the period. It first traces a history of the international anarchist movement along with migration patterns to North America in order to contextualize the research and shed light on the origins of the URW and why their story matters. Utilizing anarchist publications, local English-language newspapers, government surveillance files, and archival materials, the study finds that URW members made a wide array of contributions to the emerging industrial union movement in the United States and developed a critique of American capitalism that ranged beyond the immediate strikes. It argues that alongside the Industrial Workers of the World, the URW helped to push labor to the left and prepare the ground for the rise of major industrial unions with socialist leanings in the 1930s. Simultaneously, the study shows how the URW harnessed its strength in North America to make substantial material contributions to the anarchist movement in Russia, in the lead up to the 1917 revolution, while developing an anti-Bolshevik critique also echoed by subsequent movements on the left. By locating Russian anarchism and the URW in the labor movement, this study challenges historiographical claims which deny anarchism's working-class character. Thus, it contributes to a growing body of newer research which finds the anarchist movement rooted in labor and working-class organizing.
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The article reviews the book, "Mistreatment in Organizations," edited by Pamela Perrewé, Jonathon Halbesleben, and Christopher Rosen.
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The article reviews the book, "The Rise and Fall of Corporate Social Responsibility," by Douglas M. Eichar.
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Cet article s’intéresse aux organisations de la société civile (OSC) spécialisées dans le soutien aux démarches de (ré)insertion socioprofessionnelle des personnes en situation d’itinérance (PSI) et aux nouveaux acteurs dans le système de relations industrielles québécois. À partir d’une étude de cas réalisée dans l’Arrondissement Ville-Marie de Montréal, nous avons utilisé les dimensions développées par Bellemare (2000) pour rendre opérationnel le concept d’acteur, les travaux de Heery et al. (2012) sur les OSC britanniques, ainsi que les résultats issus de nos recherches dans cet arrondissement, pour déterminer si les OSC impliquées dans la (ré)insertion socioprofessionnelle des PSI peuvent être considérées comme de nouveaux acteurs en relations industrielles (RI). Selon les dimensions de l’analyse, il apparaît que nous pouvons considérer les OSC qui sont engagées dans des expériences de (ré)insertion socioprofessionnelle des PSI comme de nouveaux acteurs en RI. En effet, en termes d’implication aux divers niveaux d’analyse des RI, elles interviennent de façon ponctuelle sur les lieux de travail, mais de façon beaucoup plus continue sur les plans organisationnel et institutionnel. Au niveau organisationnel, mentionnons que les OSC sont en lien avec des entreprises par le biais d’un réseau entretenu avec une OSC qui agit à titre d’intermédiaire afin de permettre le déploiement des programmes d’employabilité. Il s’agit d’un mode de fonctionnement en réseau où nous retrouvons de nombreux échanges interorganisationnels permettant d’assurer un continuum de services dans le but de soutenir les individus dans leur trajectoire de retour au travail et de faciliter les transitions des PSI en entreprises. En ce qui a trait au degré de continuité de l’implication des OSC dans le système de RI, nos résultats diffèrent de ceux de Heery et al. (2012). Nous avons, en effet, constaté une implication soutenue dans les programmes d’employabilité et de pré-employabilité, alors que ces auteurs parlent plutôt d’implication sporadique ou discontinue. Nos résultats montrent, également, des changements au niveau des règles liées aux conditions de travail et dans l’organisation de l’entreprise par la mutualisation de certaines pratiques de GRH, que nous assimilons à une influence des OSC sur le niveau organisationnel. De plus, ces dernières contribuent indirectement à influencer l’environnement social des entreprises grâce à l’action concertée entre OSC et entreprises dans le but d’apporter une solution au problème de concentration de l’itinérance dans le territoire du centre-ville montréalais.
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Editorial introduction to the three articles in the issue that call for a renewed approach to human resource management (HRM). Includes bibliography.
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Au cours des vingt dernières années, la responsabilité sociétale de l’entreprise (RSE) est devenue une préoccupation majeure du débat public et de la recherche en sciences sociales. La multiplication des démarches RSE a nécessairement un impact sur les organisations syndicales qui sont amenés à s’adapter et à réagir ou qui peuvent se saisir des opportunités offertes par la RSE. L’objectif de cet article est d’apporter un éclairage sur la manière dont les stratégies des centrales syndicales en matière de RSE se construisent.
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Cet article s’intéresse à la contribution des alliances syndicales internationales (ASI) à l’effectivité des Accords-cadres internationaux (ACI), notamment à leur capacité à favoriser le processus de syndicalisation et de négociation de conventions collectives dans des pays où la législation nationale peine à assurer le respect de ces droits fondamentaux. Le contenu de ces accords, généralement le fruit d’une entente bilatérale entre la direction d’une multinationale et celle d’une Fédération syndicale internationale, repose habituellement sur certaines conventions de l’OIT dont celles relatives au droit d’association et à la liberté de recourir à la négociation collective.
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Craig Heron is one of Canada's leading labour historians. Drawing together fifteen of Heron's new and previously published essays on working-class life in Canada, Working Lives covers a wide range of issues, including politics, culture, gender, wage-earning, and union organization. A timely contribution to the evolving field of labour studies in Canada, this cohesive collection of essays analyzes the daily experiences of people working across Canada over more than two hundred years. Honest in its depictions of the historical complexities of daily life, Working Lives raises issues in the writing of Canadian working-class history, especially "working-class realism" and how it is eventually inscribed into Canada's public history. Thoughtfully reflecting on the ways in which workers interact with the past, Heron discusses the important role historians and museums play in remembering the adversity and milestones experienced by Canada's working class. -- Publisher's description. Table of contents: Part 1: On the job. On the job in Canada -- Ontario’s first factory workers -- Work and struggle in the Canadian steel industry, 1900-50. Part 2. Workers’ Cultures. Arguing about idleness -- Labour and liquor -- Into the streets. Part 3: Getting organized. Labourism and the working class -- The Great War, the state, and working-class Canada -- Contours of a workers’ revolt. Part 4: A gendered world. Working girls -- Boys will be boys -- Male wage-earners and the Canadian state. Part 5: Doing history. Workers in the camera’s eye -- The labour historian and public history -- The relevance of class.
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The article reviews the book, "The Mexican Heartland: How Communities Shaped Capitalism, a Nation and World History, 1500-2000," by John Tutino.1
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There's a pervasive sense of betrayal in areas scarred by mine, mill and factory closures. [This book] delves into the long history of deindustrialization in the paper-making town of Sturgeon Falls, Ontario, located on Canada's resource periphery. Much like hundreds of other towns and cities across North America and Europe, Sturgeon Falls has lost their primary source of industry, resulting in the displacement of workers and their families. One Job Town takes us into the making of a culture of industrialism and the significance of industrial work for mill-working families. One Job Town approaches deindustrialization as a long term, economic, political, and cultural process, which did not begin and simply end with the closure of the local mill in 2002. High examines the work-life histories of fifty paper mill workers and managers, as well as city officials, to gain an in-depth understanding of the impact of the formation and dissolution of a culture of industrialism. Oral history and memory are at the heart of One Job Town, challenging us to rethink the relationship between the past and the present in what was formerly known as the industrialized world. --Publisher's description.
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Since the 1970s, the closure of mines, mills, and factories has marked a rupture in working-class lives. The Deindustrialized World interrogates the process of industrial ruination, from the first impact of layoffs in metropolitan cities, suburban areas, and single-industry towns to the shock waves that rippled outward, affecting entire regions, countries, and beyond. Seeking to hear the “roar ... on the other side of the silence,” scholars from France, Canada, Australia, the United Kingdom, and the United States share their own stories of ruin and ruination and ask others what it means to be working class in a postindustrial world. In Part 1, they explore the ruination of former workplaces and the damaged health and injured bodies of industrial workers. Part 2 brings to light disparities of experiences between rural resource towns and cities, where hipster revitalization often overshadows industrial loss. Part 3 reveals the ongoing impact of deindustrialization on working people and their place in the new global economy. Together, the chapters open a window on the lived experiences of people living at ground zero of deindustrialization, revealing its layered impacts and examining how workers, environmentalists, activists, and the state have responded to its challenges. --Publisher's description
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In Perogies and Politics, Rhonda Hinther explores the twentieth-century history of the Ukrainian left in Canada from the standpoint of the women, men, and children who formed and fostered it. For twentieth-century leftist Ukrainians, culture and politics were inextricably linked. The interaction of Ukrainian socio-cultural identity with Marxist-Leninism resulted in one of the most dynamic national working-class movements Canada has ever known. The Ukrainian left's success lay in its ability to meet the needs of and speak in meaningful, respectful, and empowering ways to its supporters' experiences and interests as individuals and as members of a distinct immigrant working-class community. This offered to Ukrainians a radical social, cultural, and political alternative to the fledgling Ukrainian churches and right-wing Ukrainian nationalist movements. Hinther's colourful and in-depth work reveals how left-wing Ukrainians were affected by changing social, economic, and political forces and how they in turn responded to and challenged these forces. -- Publisher's description
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Using data from the Canadian Labour Force Survey for March of 2006 to 2012, this paper examines how employment in precarious jobs may lead to lower earnings among Canadian newcomers. Results suggest that recent immigrants are struggling financially due to wage disparities created by precarious employment. Both males and females experience an initial earnings disadvantage which is further exacerbated by being employed in involuntary part-time work, temporary work and multiple jobs.
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This article reviews the book, "Fiery Joe: The Maverick Who Lit Up the West" by Kathleen Carlisle.
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Set against the backdrop of the U.S. experience, Power, Politics, and Principles uses a transnational perspective to understand the passage and long term implications of a pivotal labour law in Canada. By utilizing a wide array of primary materials and secondary sources, Hollander gets to the root of the policy-making process, revealing how the making of P.C. 1003 in 1944, a wartime order, that forced employers to the collective bargaining table and marked a new stage in Canadian industrial relations, involved real people with conflicting personalities and competing agendas. Each chapter of Power, Politics, and Principles begins with a quasi-fictional vignette to help the reader visualize historical context. Hollander pays particular attention to the central role that Mackenzie King played in the creation of P.C. 1003. Although most scholars describe the Prime Minister's approach to policy decisions as calculating and opportunistic, Power, Politics, and Principles argues that Mackenzie King's adherence to key principles, especially his determination to preserve and enhance the cohesiveness of the country, created a more favourable legal environment in the long run for Canadian workers and their unions than a similar collective bargaining regime in the U.S. --Publisher's description
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This article reviews the book, "How the Workers Became Muslims: Immigration, Culture and Hegemonic Transformation in Europe" by Ferruh Yilmaz.
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Most Canadian prisoners work, yet very little attention has been paid to them as workers by either labour scholars or unions. However, in 1977 the Canadian Food and Allied Workers union (CFAW) organized both incarcerated and non-incarcerated meat cutters into the country's first and only legally recognized union representing primarily prisoners, CFAW Local 240. The union drive came in response to the Ontario government's push to increase prisoners' participation in the workforce, including the introduction of a number of "outside managed industrial programs", which involved private firms operating within provincial correctional facilities. These privately managed industries rekindled some older debates around the potential for prison labour to undermine the wages of free labour, but in the case of the experimental abattoir program at Guelph, they also resulted in something new: unionized prisoners. The union not only made important gains for the workers, but also made modest gains for prisoners' rights. While CFAW Local 240 would eventually be merged into subsequent unions, it continues to serve as a model for working prisoners and represents a rare moment in Canadian history - one where a union organized prison labour instead of opposing it.
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Embracing a spatial and historical lens and the insights of critical legal theory, this dissertation maps the patterns of protest and the law in modern British Columbia―the social relations of adjudication—the changing ways in which conflict between private property rights and customary rights invoked by social movement actors has been contested and adjudicated in public spaces and legal arenas. From labour strikes in the Vancouver Island coal mines a century ago, to more recent protests by First Nations, environmentalists, pro- and anti-abortion activists, and urban “poor peoples’” movements, social movement actors have asserted customary rights to property through the control or appropriation of space. Owners and managers of property have responded by enlisting an array of legal remedies and an army of legal actors—lawyers, judges, police, parliaments, and soldiers—to restore control over space and assert private property rights. For most of the past century, conventional private property claims trumped the customary claims of social movements in the legal arena, provoking crises of legal legitimacy where social movement actors questioned the impartiality of judges and the fairness of adjudicative procedures. Remedies and legal technologies asserted by company lawyers, awarded by judges, and enforced by police and soldiers were often severe―from Criminal Code proscriptions against riotous assembly and deployment of military force, to the equitable remedy of the injunction and lengthy prison sentences following criminal contempt proceedings. But this pattern shows signs of change in recent years, driven by three major trends in British Columbia and Canadian law: (1) the effective assertion of indigenous customary rights; (2) growing recognition of the importance of human rights in democratic societies, particularly in the context of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms; and (3) changes in the composition of the legal profession and judiciary. This changing legal landscape has created a new and evolving legal space, where property claims are increasingly treated as contingent rather than absolute and where the rights of one party are increasingly balanced by customary rights, interests, and aspirations of others. Consequently, we are seeing a trend toward the dilution of legal remedies traditionally available to the powerful, creating space for the assertion of non-conventional property claims and the emergence of new patterns of power relations.
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