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Full bibliography 12,879 resources
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The article reviews the book, "Be Wise! Be Healthy! Morality and Citizenship in Canadian Public Health Campaigns," by Catherine Carstairs, Bethany Philpott, and Sara Wilmshurst.
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The article reviews the book, "The Great Cowboy Strike: Bullets, Ballots, and Class Conflicts in the American West," by Mark Lause.
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The article reviews the book, "Immigrant Girl, Radical Woman: A Memoir from the Early Twentieth Century," by Matilda Rabinowitz.
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The article reviews the book, "Masterless Men: Poor Whites and Slavery in the Antebellum South," by Keri Leigh Merritt.
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The article reviews the book, "For Class and Country: The Patriotic Left and the First World War," by David Smith.
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In the second of two CCPA-Manitoba reports on Indigenous workers and unions, Jim Silver and I study the case of Winnipeg's CUPE 500, the local that represents City of Winnipeg employees. CUPE 500 is one of the largest locals in a city and province where Indigenous people make up the highest percentage of the total population (12% and 18% respectively) compared to other Canadian jurisdictions. --Author's introduction
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Discusses the PEPSO report, "Getting Left Behind."
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The Ontario labour movement is in deep crisis, and has been staggering since the end of the 1990s. Given the labour movement’s historic role in leading and supporting progressive change, its current disorientation should be a matter of alarm to its members of course, but also to anyone concerned with countering the insatiable greed and social destructiveness of capitalism. --Introduction
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On February 6, 2018, the Minister of Labour appointed us as a Labour Relations Code Review Panel with a broad mandate to review the B.C. Labour Relations Code, RSBC 1996, c 244 (the “Code”) and to provide recommendations for any amendments or updates to the Code. The terms of reference directed us to consult with the community, consider labour law developments in other Canadian jurisdictions and to: "….assess each issue canvassed from the perspective of how to “ensure workplaces support a growing, sustainable economy with fair laws for workers and business” and promote certainty as well as harmonious and stable labour/management relations. The conceptual and structural framework for the Code was established 45 years ago and there have been significant changes in the B.C. workforce, workplaces and economy in theintervening decades. --Introduction
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Describes the role of indigenous workers in the emergence of capitalist industrialization in many parts of Canada in the late 19th and early 20th centuries.
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Despite the severe and widespread concerns with algorithmic transparency and the opacity of AI-driven automation, their arrival has made one thing quite clear: our present-day society is not ready, and it has nothing to do with the new technologies themselves. Increasing income inequality, undervalued and unrecognized labour, a growing wealth gap, the erosion of workers’ rights, widespread work precarity, policies systemically favouring capital at the expense of labour, and an outdated social safety net are the natural result of capitalist logic and its institutions set up to govern Canadian society. They are old problems, albeit now with a robotic twist. If we do not address these problems directly for what they are, independent of the technology that brought them into sharper relief, we risk sorely misdirecting the future of work in Canada. But more than that, we risk squandering the current political momentum, popular interest and ethical self-awareness to bring about the free, equitable and democratic society we should already inhabit. -- From author's conclusion
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Describes how large numbers of society’s most vulnerable organized and won a historic victory.
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With the federal government celebrating flexible employment there’s an obvious lack of political will to ensure that disabled Canadians are able to pursue meaningful careers. It’s not enough to shrug off this marginalization of disabled workers as the cost of innovation. Over a million Canadians are waiting for the employment equity measures of the last century to take hold and for a guarantee that the coming churn won’t leave them in tatters. --Author's conclusion.
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Describes how pension funds often invest in enterprises that undermine the interests of workers. From a union perspective, leveraging financial power gained from investing in this way is therefore con- tradictory, even morally questionable.
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Abridged version of Stanford's lecture on on the theory and practice of progressive trade policy given on the occasion of his award of the John Kenneth Galbraith Prize at the Canadian Economics Association's meeting in Montreal in June 2018. Presents a 10-point plan that includes making market access conditional on human and labour rights.
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This report provides updated living wage calculations for families living in Atlantic Canada. Covering the costs to raise a family in the Maritimes requires two adults to be working full-time earning a living wage of $19 an hour in Halifax, $18.18 in Saint John and $17.75 in Antigonish. Since 2016, the living wage rate in Halifax decreased very slightly from $19.17, increased slightly in Antigonish from $17.30. The wages did not change very much because of the full year inclusion of the Canada Child Benefit and its indexation to inflation, which covered all or most of the expense increases.
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Using International Social Survey Program data, we explore the relationship between economic context and attitudes with respect to the distribution of incomes in 20 modern societies, including Canada. Our findings demonstrate that economic inequality has an enduring influence on attitudes. Consistent with the economic self-interest thesis, preferences for equality are strongest among those in working-class occu- pations. Moreover, independent of one’s own social class, one’s father’s social class has a similar enduring impact on attitudes later in life. These relationships are relatively similar across the 20 societies we explore. Still, significant differences in attitudes can be explained by national economic context. We find a strong positive relationship between national-level inequality and opinions on how much inequality there ought to be in the income distribution. In contrast to previous research, however, our findings suggest that national-level economic prosperity and equality of opportunity have little influence on public opinion.
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The theory and practice of community unionism has been central to discussions of alt-labor, union renewal, and revitalization, particularly in relation to union praxis at the urban or local scale. This comparative case study explores two labor-community campaigns to defend public child care services in the context of neoliberal austerity in urban/suburban space. While labor-community coalitions are a necessary—if not sufficient—condition for success, in urban/suburban contexts in which community allies are weak and municipal administrations hostile, public-sector unions must continue to play a leading role in campaigns despite the risk of being cast as defenders of sectional interests rather than of the public good. In such contexts, union involvement in community organizing is a necessary precursor to successful labor-community campaigns.
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We use simulation methods and a detailed tax calculator to analyze the likely effects of two recent pro- posals aimed at reforming the Quebec Pension Plan (QPP): the federal proposal, eventually implemented throughout Canada, and the Quebec government’s December 2016 proposal. Accounting for education- adjusted life expectancy, earnings variability over the course of a career, and their interactions with the tax code and retirement income system, we find that internal rates of return (IRRs) for new QPP contribu- tions are similar under both reforms for individuals with lifetime average annual earnings of more than $40,000. Both reforms yield substantial IRRs for low-income individuals. Although the Quebec proposal offers higher IRRs for individuals earning less than $40,000, the federal proposal yields greater present value benefits for these same individuals. We show that if new QPP benefits were exempted from the Guaranteed Income Supplement (GIS) clawback, and provided that the working income tax benefit and GIS were not enhanced, the two reforms would yield similar IRRs for individuals with average earnings of more than $15,000. The QPP reform would thus better focus on the middle-income earners originally targeted by reform advocates.
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We investigate the post-layoff configuration of income sources and pathways of prime-age and older laid- off workers exhibiting a high degree of prior attachment. Using a unique Canadian administrative database that links the event of the involuntary layoff with detailed data on income receipt, we track all of their sources of income over an interval spanning five years after layoff. We conduct a multivariate statistical analysis of the incidence of relying on income from several alternative sources, specifically early retirement (both public and private), reemployment, self-employment, or reliance on social insurance benefits (other than pensions). The two most common states for laid-off workers who have not yet reached normal retirement age are early retirement and continued labour market activity. Our findings indicate that the older workers are at the point of layoff, the greater the likelihood is that they will rely on pension income as their primary income source. This incidence of reliance on pension income also increases with the number of years elapsed since the point of layoff.
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