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Cet article porte sur le modèle de participation mis en œuvre dans le secteur d'État algérien à compter de 1971. La recherche montre que ce cadre institutionnel n'a pas résorbé le conflit entre les agents de production, comme le suggérait le discours officiel. Au contraire, le modèle de participation a généré un nouveau type de conflit entre les différents acteurs et instances impliqués dans l'entreprise socialiste.

People frequently overdo the parallels between events and institutions in Canada and the United States, even confusing them at times. The 1939 split in the United Auto Workers Union was a case in point. The end of the 1930s was a period of stresses and strains for the unions in both countries. For the UAW, relations with the employers went on side by side with a struggle between Socialists, Communists, anti-Communists and their respective allies. Though divided, Socialists and Communists at times took the same side. One such time was in 1938-39. The high point of the period was when both joined in getting rid of the "International President," Homer Martin. In Canada, the two principal factions carried on a bitter struggle for the leadership of the union, slowing down only a bit while they both lined up with the opposition to Martin in the us. In the process, the first Canadian director of UAW, the Socialist Charles Millard, also lost his post. In the US, meanwhile, the two main factions concentrated on defeating Martin, while jockeying for position for their future struggle for the leadership.

The article reviews the book, "L'emploi en devenir," by Diane-Gabrielle Tremblay.

The article reviews the book, "Las relaciones de trabajo en los noventa. Desafíos y propuestas," edited by Héctor Lucena and Fernando Calero.

The article reviews the book, "Cracking the Canadian Formula: The Making of the Energy and Chemical Workers Union," by Wayne Roberts.

The article reviews the book, "Hard Bargains: The Manitoba Labour Movement Confronts The 1990's," by Jim Silver and Errol Black.

The article reviews the book, "Community of Suffering and Struggle: Women, Men, and the Labor Movement in Minneapolis, 1915-1945," by Elizabeth Faue.

The article reviews the book, "Code du travail du Québec (législation, jurisprudence et doctrine)," by Pierre Laporte.

The article reviews the book, "Collective Agreement Arbitration in Canada," by Bruce M. Palmer and Earl E. Palmer.

The article reviews the book, "Index et résumés des sentences arbitrales de griefs, tome VII," by Coplanam Ltée.

The article reviews the book, "Industrial Relations in Canadian Industries," edited by Richard P. Chaykowski and Anil Verma.

A survey on the status of industrial relations (IR) as an academic discipline in Canadian universities shows that even within business programs where serious efforts are made to adequately cover labor relations phenomena, there is an overwhelming exposure to human resource management (HRM) and organizational behavior (OB) activities and very little coverage of public labor policy. This is so because, from a business perspective, labor relations stands as a subfield of HRM. The fact that the employment relationship is just one of many foci for administrative science probably explains why business programs have a normative bias in favor of the efficiency principle. On the other hand, because the entire focus of IR is on the employment relationship, IR academic programs consider as equal values the equity needs of the employees and the efficiency needs of the organization. This ontological neutrality is what distinguishes the IR and administrative science disciplines.

The article reviews the book, "Les systèmes de relations professionnelles, edited by Jean-Daniel Reynaud, François Eyraud, Catherine Paradeise and Jean Saglio.

The article reviews the book, "Travail d'ombre et de lumière: Le bénévolat féminin à l'Hôpital Sainte-Justine, 1907-1960," by Aline Charles.

The article reviews the book, "Rapports collectifs du travail," by Fernand Morin.

Recent labour historiography on the strike wave of 1919 has debated whether events are better explained within a framework of western exceptionalism (that is, stressing regional factors) or of a national revolt (that is stressing class tensions). A study of Calgary suggests that neither of these interpretations is fully satisfactory. Calgary workers, by 1919, certainly displayed a class identity and a class consciousness, but these were tempered by broader cultural bonds and by continuing entrepreneurial aspirations. Despite a generation of economic disillusionment, characterized by falling real wages and the high frequency of unemployment, labour continued to place faith in craft unions, political reforms, and class co-operation. Fitting neither of the established interpretation frameworks, the experience of workers in Calgary, 1919, indicates the need for a reassessment of current conceptions of class relations.

The purpose of this study was to examine class and gender relations in the Toronto printing trades during a period of intensive industrial capitalist growth between 1870 and 1914. Consistent with socialist feminism, it is argued that the experience of class cannot be comprehended without a consideration of gender relations. -- During the late nineteenth century segmentation and specialization occurred within the Toronto printing industry with technological innovations in the production process, the emergence of the daily press, and a proliferation of firms specializing in a product line or in a particular aspect of the production process. Throughout the period from 1870 to 1914 male workers dominated the Toronto printing trades. Women were segregated in those jobs socially designated as unskilled, specifically, pressfeeding, and folding, stitching, and collating in the binderies. -- The bulk of the study focuses on printing-trades workers employed at the Methodist Book and Publishing House, a large Church-owned multi-faceted printing and bookbinding establishment. An analysis of a select group of printing-trades workers derived from the firm's extant payrolls for the fiscal years 1882-83 and 1890-91, and for the calendar year 1902, and identified by occupation through linkages with the city directories, revealed a hierarchical and gender division of labour typical of the broader late nineteenth- and early twentieth-century Toronto printing industry. Developing the argument that to understand fully the complex interaction of patriarchy and capitalism we must go beyond the workplace and consider the family, the household economies of the sample group of Methodist Book Room workers were analysed using linkages between the decennial census manuscripts and the municipal tax assessments. The majority of Book Room workers studied lived in subsistence-level conditions and tended to rely on the income of one or more secondary wage earners. A breadwinner wage was a reality only for comparatively few skilled male printing-trades workers. -- In the latter part of the study, the trade unionism of Toronto printing-trades workers was explored. Male unionists in Toronto Typographical Union, Local 91 successfully defended their skilled-worker status with industrial capitalist incursions and effectively excluded women compositors from membership in the local typographical union. Considerable attention was also given to the organization of bookbinders, including the formation of the short-lived Women's Bindery Union. -- The study is thus an attempt at a convergence between socialist feminist theory, and working-class and labour-history, feminist history, and family history.

J.K. Bell was one of the finest labour leaders of his time. Born in Halifax, Nova Scotia at the turn of the century, Jimmy Bell headed down the proverbial road to Toronto to find work as the depression years began. When war broke out, he returned to Saint John, New Brunswick and went to work at the dry dock where he founded a local of what would become the Maritime Marine Workers' Federation. For many years, Bell was ostracized by the labour movement because of his leftwing views. As the Cold War whipped the country into hysteria, Bell was "purged" from the provincial labour federation in 1949, and didn't succeed in being re-elected until 1965. Nonetheless, he managed to play a key role, and in this book, he remembers the events and recalls the characters with fondness and humour. --Publisher's description

The article reviews the book, "Descent into Discourse: The Reification of Language and the Writing of Social History," by Bryan D. Palmer.

The legacy of the Socialist Party of Canada has come down to us in phrases such as economic determinism, mechanistic materialism, impossiblism, and sectarianism. The life of Bill Pritchard reveals the humanist roots of the SPC and what the party's leading thinkers owed to William Morris and the British ethical socialist tradition. That tradition was about `making socialists' who were educated, organized, and prepared to implement fully a socialist society. Bill Pritchard and other Marxian socialists, as much as they supported the Russian Revolution, were unwilling to submerge that goal in the program of the Third International. Their humanism, as much as their determinism, explains the choices they made and the legacy they left.