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This study examines discrimination in the workplace in Canada and explores the intersection of marginalized groups. It uses data from the General Social Survey 2016, which collected information from 19,609 non-institutionalized individuals. Results show that 17 percent of the job applicants and 9 percent of the workers felt discriminated against in the workplace during the 12 months before the survey. Data analysis indicates that a person’s identification with two marginalized groups increases the chances of discrimination and augments it further with three marginalized identities. However, the incremental effect of four or more marginalized groups is difficult to examine with this dataset due to the depleting sample size with the inclusion of every new group. Results from the logistic regression illustrate that the intersection of two, three, or four selected disadvantaged groups increases workplace discrimination significantly, thus supporting the theory of intersectionality. However, this perspective does not work for some combinations of marginalized groups.

The article reviews the book, "Punishing Poverty: How Bail and Pretrial Detention Fuel Inequalities in the Criminal Justice System," by Christine Scott-Hayward and Henry F. Fradella.

Notre article porte sur les intensités et la fragilisation des collectifs de travail et offre une synthèse de la littérature concernant le travail et ses intensités, en particulier dans le milieu aérien. Prenant le cas du personnel navigant commercial (PNC) dans le milieu aérien, nous nous appuyons sur la théorie des demandes-ressources du travail et de l’organisation capacitante pour analyser les perceptions de ces travailleurs concernant les demandes physiques, psychosociales et organisationnelles du travail, ainsi que les ressources de même type, notamment à la suite de l’autorisation d’une réduction d’effectif par le ministère des Transports sur bon nombre de porteurs canadiens en juillet 2015. Nous portons une attention particulière aux demandes du travail constituant une contrainte, ce qui est rarement pris en compte dans les études sur l’intensification du travail. À l’aide du construit de caravanes de ressources et d’organisation capacitante, nous nous demandons si les collectifs de travail PNC sont en mesure d’accomplir leur mission collective de maintien de la sécurité et de service auprès du public. Nous avons pour cela mené 41 entrevues semi-dirigées auprès d’agents de bord et de directeurs de vol volontaires provenant de deux compagnies aériennes canadiennes. Nous avons procédé à une analyse de contenu qualitative faisant émerger les thèmes principaux de manière inductive et analysant les demandes et les ressources physiques, psychosociales et organisationnelles du travail. Nos résultats documentent de façon originale comment une augmentation notable des intensités contraignantes du travail perturbe les collectifs de travail, en particulier le rôle pivot du directeur de vol, contribuant à la recherche émergente au sujet de la fragilisation des processus de travail. De nombreux aspects demeurent à améliorer pour qualifier les compagnies aériennes étudiées d’organisations capacitantes.

Detailed analysis of Statistics Canada Labour Force Survey shows the complex relationship between the different types of non-standard employment, including non-permanent jobs, self-employment, part-time work and low pay. Term and contract work has increased substantially since 1997, but there is no corresponding decrease in permanent jobs or increase in part-time or low wage jobs. The different forms of non-standard employment are concentrated in specific population groups, including women in part-time and low wage jobs, university graduates and younger workers in term and contract jobs, and older workers in self-employment. But precarious employment is much more strongly related to occupation and industry than to workers’ characteristics. There are some provincial differences, while firm and establishment size and unionization have small effects on non-standard employment. These findings cast doubt on the dominant narrative of precarious employment.

Analyzes the crisis in Canadian Communism triggered by international developments including Soviet leader Nikita Khrushchev's denunciation of the crimes of the Stalin era made in a "secret speech" in February 1956, and the Soviet Union's intervention later in the year to crush the revolt in Hungary. Calls attention to Karen Levine's article, "The Labor-Progressive Party in Crisis, 1956-1957, " published in the same issue, that was originally written as an undergraduate essay at the University of Toronto in the late 1970s.

One response to the employer’s search for “flexibility” (most evident in the “platform economy”) may be “institutional experimentation,” i.e., changes to institutions and how they relate to organizations and labour standards. Our question: “What form of institutional arrangement can best enable the lessons of policy experimentation to be learned and disseminated?” Under directed devolution, as proposed here, legal entitlements or obligations would be set at a higher level (say, a national jurisdiction). A lower level (“subsidiary bodies”) would be required to work out detailed implementation of those standards, with a view to protecting the affected workers’ interests. The subsidiary bodies might cover specific industries or groups of industries. They may need to be quite innovative. Results would be evaluated and ideas generated. By emphasizing flexibility and learning, directed devolution enables actors to learn from the experiments of other actors. One such example is the regulation of New York’s road passenger transport industry in 2019, a highly innovative attempt to convert a high-level time-based minimum standard into a practical, local solution. Directed devolution is a form of multi-level policy-making, with some similarities to the concept of subsidiarity, but more tightly integrated. Other relevant but distinct forms of multi-level bargaining include the ILO Conventions, the Bangladesh Accord and several forms of regulation adopted in Australia. Actors and policy-makers should have long-term strategies, be careful in their processes of selecting institutional members, and be prepared to deal with powerful opposition. Directed devolution can be useful wherever establishing enforceable general principles is important and can make a real difference, but there are complications with implementation if circumstances vary considerably among organizations or industries. Devolution can be achieved without losing enforceability, and this can be done without shifting power away from those with less power. Directed devolution is a complement to, not a substitute for, specific regulatory interventions.

Many areas of practice in health and social services are emotionally demanding. This type of work can be associated with psychological health problems and middle managers play a key role in reducing such risks for their staff. Although the importance of providing this support is recognized, attaining such an objective is not necessarily straightforward because of the multiple demands that managers must juggle. Using an ergonomic perspective, this qualitative research study, which was conducted in a regional child protection service in Quebec (Canada), aimed to identify the strategies used by middle managers to support staff whose work is considered emotionally demanding. The results reveal that managers use a range of support strategies, which fall into seven categories. Although the strategies are distributed along two axes, proximity (direct, indirect) and time (short-term, long-term), they tend to be more direct and short-term (e.g., provide emotional support). The choice of strategies is influenced by various facilitating or constraining organizational, interpersonal and individual factors. A strong influence appears to be time availability. This study provides a detailed picture of the strategies used by middle man-agers and the complexity with which these individuals are confronted in providing their staff with support. Further research is required, for example, to better understand the impact of certain factors on the choice of support strategies and to evaluate the impact of support strategies from a staff perspective.

The article reviews the book, "Automation and the Future of Work," by Aaron Benanav.

Le concept de création de valeur partagée (Creating Shared Value, CSV) proposé par Porter et Kramer ne fait pas l’unanimité au sein de la communauté scientifique. Pourtant, il bénéficie d’une certaine popularité chez les chefs d’entreprises qui voient dans ce concept le moyen de répondre efficacement aux enjeux du développement durable et indirectement de réconcilier économie, social et écologie. Si l’utilisation de la CSV dans les déclarations du dirigeant permet de rassurer l’ensemble des parties prenantes sur l’objectif poursuivi par l’entreprise, celle-ci ne trouve pas obligatoirement des effets dans les pratiques organisationnelles. Basant sa recherche sur une étude de cas unique inscrite dans une perspective longitudinale, l’auteur s’intéresse ici au passage du discours aux actes. Il s’interroge sur le caractère performatif de la CSV et met en évidence des conditions de performativité spécifiques au discours sur la création de valeur partagée. Au terme de cette recherche, trois facteurs ont pu être mis en évidence comme des éléments facilitateurs : l’absence de théorie concurrente, la mise en oeuvre d’un processus d’acceptation sociale, l’inscription de la CSV dans une perspective plus globale touchant à la raison d’être de l’entreprise. Les résultats ainsi obtenus, qui devront cependant être confirmés par une étude à plus grande échelle, complètent les travaux précédents sur les conditions de performativité du discours stratégique en l’adaptant au concept de CSV aujourd’hui largement utilisé dans les milieux d’affaires.

Cet article porte sur les salariés des grandes surfaces alimentaires en France. Si la littérature existante sur le secteur porte essentiellement sur les caissières et utilise la monographie, notre approche s’intéresse aux managers de rayon. Porter le regard sur les managers de rayon, premier niveau d’encadrement en magasin, permet de mieux comprendre les logiques qui traversent le secteur. Mais contrairement à l’approche habituelle qui utilise la monographie, notre approche combine les échelles d’analyse (micro, méso et macro) afin d’ancrer les observations du terrain au sein de l’histoire sectorielle et de la conjoncture. Cela nous conduits à associer la sociologie du travail et de l’emploi avec la sociologie des groupes professionnels pour montrer que les managers travaillent au sein de deux principaux segments professionnels : les rayons alimentaires, d’une part, et les rayons non alimentaires, d’autre part. Sur chaque segment, les conditions de travail ne sont pas tout à fait les mêmes : la situation économique des groupes intégrés étant préoccupante, ces derniers ont procédé à une réorganisation des rayons. Par conséquent, les conditions d’emploi sont également différentes. En effet, si le processus de centralisation-décentralisation des tâches et la sélection d’un nouveau profil de managers sont bien mis en oeuvre de façon homogène dans les rayons alimentaires, deux rayons non alimentaires conservent leur particularité. Au rayon parapharmacie tout d’abord, le titre de docteur constitue une barrière à l’entrée dans ce marché du travail fermé. Parallèlement, les récentes réorganisations permettent à ce dernier de s’emparer des rayons des collègues, faisant de ce manager le grand gagnant des mutations actuelles. Aux rayons brun-blanc-gris ensuite, les managers sont dans une situation plus difficile : plus que partout ailleurs, ces rayons qui perdent de l’argent ont été réorganisés ou supprimés, annonçant la « mort » progressive de ce groupe.

The Writers’ Union of Canada was founded in November of 1973 “to unite Canadian writers for the advancement of their common interests.” Drawing on extensive archival collections – from both the Writers’ Union and its member authors – this dissertation offers the first critical history of the organization and its work, from pre-founding to the early 1990s, arguing that the Writers’ Union has fundamentally influenced Canadian literature, as an industry, as a community, and as a field of study. I begin by tracing the contextual history of the organization’s founding, interrogating how union organizing, celebrity, and friendship underpin the organization’s work. Chapter One discusses the Writers’ Union’s programs, reforms, and interventions aimed at ‘fostering’ writing in Canada as I argue that the Union was instrumental in building a fiscal-cultural futurity for CanLit. In Chapter Two, I consider the role that women played in this important work, as I highlight the labour of female Union members and the all-female administrative staff, who maintained and supported the organization’s work through its first twenty years. In Chapter Three I draw attention to the stories of, perspectives of, and experiences of BIPOC authors in relation to the Writers’ Union. While the Writers’ Union’s involvement in race relations is often positioned as having ‘begun’ with the Writing Thru Race conference in 1994, this chapter uses the archives to reveal a much longer trajectory of racialized conflict within and around the organization, providing important context for the very controversial and public battles about appropriation and race that would explode in the late 1980s and early 1990s. Throughout this work, I look to see how institutional narratives are deployed and upheld, and to what ends; how successful advocacy work is often effaced and forgotten; how institutional structures function; and how their boundaries and intentions are challenged and developed over time.

The article reviews the book, "Pour elles toutes : femmes contre la prison," by Gwenola Ricordeau.

The Winnipeg General Strike of 1919 was the largest strike in Canadian history. Between 15 May and 25 June 1919, more than 30,000 workers left their jobs. Factories, shops, transit and city services shut down. The strike resulted in arrests, injuries and the deaths of two protestors. It did not immediately succeed in empowering workers and improving job conditions. But the strike did help unite the working class in Canada. Some of its participants helped establish what is now the New Democratic Party....

This thesis examines the history of the Provincial Workmen's Association of Nova Scotia, from iits formation in 1879, until the resignation of the union's first Grand Secretary in 1898. The study begins with a description of the economic background of the province's coal trade during the 19th century. The end of the "golden age" of wood, wind and sail, and the region's attempts to industrialize in response to the National Policy are discussed in relation to the coal industry. The difficulties experienced by tlthe miners as a result of these changing economic conditions are considered in the second chapter, and the formation of the P.W.A. is described. The early organizational activitities, constitution, ritual and structure of the society are also detailed. The following chapter investigates the three tactics employed by the P.W.A. to protect the rights and improve the condition of the Nova Scotia miners. The utility and ideological underpinnings of each method - strikes, governmennt lobbying and electoral politics - is considered in order to clarify the degree of success achieved by the union in its stated goals. Chapter Four focuses more directly on the idtdeology of the P.W.A. "Loyalist" and "rebel" attitudes toward the coal masters, the increasing alientation of the mine1ers from their work resulting from the development of industrial capitalism, and the growth of trade union consciousness and working class awareness are described. The influence of Robert Drummond on the Nova Scotia miners is also discussed. The fifth and final chapter describes the rank and file disconterent with leadership that emerged in the late 1880s and culminated with the company store dispute in 1896. The "invasion of thee Knights of Labor" and the resignation of Robert Drummond are examined. Final conclusions are then presented, followed by an epilogue, which describes briefly the path taken by the P.W.A. from 1898 until the dissolution of the union in 1917.

Universities commonly engage Employee Assistance Programs to help workers with their problems. In this institutional case study of neoliberalism in action, I analyze the EAP newsletters from one Canadian institution I call “Corporate U” for their impact on full-time tenured and tenure-track faculty. I show how their messaging counterproductively amplifies pressures in today’s university to be resilient and perform and be accountable. I take the EAP to be an agent of the university, and as such, their newsletters demonstrate the rise of neoliberal managerialism in academic life. Of particular concern is their individualising tendency to construct “the responsible professor” as an ideal to which all academic workers must now aspire.

There is now a vast scholarship that explores union decline and renewal in various economic sectors and workplaces. To date, however, there is little understanding of how union decline has impacted unionized retail environments in Canada. Using a feminist political economy framework, this dissertation explores dynamics of union decline and renewal through a case study of labour standards in Ontarios unionized supermarket sector. Drawing on qualitative interviews with 28 union representatives and an analysis of collective agreements, this study examines the decline and trajectory of labour standards in unionized supermarkets, explores the unions perspectives and responses to changing standards, assesses how changing labour standards reflects the problem of union decline, and assesses how the case of Ontarios unionized supermarkets informs union renewal research and strategy. Findings suggest that the decline and trajectory of labour standards in Ontarios unionized supermarkets reflects a shift towards increasing precariousness in this sector. While there have been some wins for supermarket workers, unions have been largely unable to secure substantial improvements through collective bargaining. The precariousness associated with supermarket work is both contractually negotiated, as evidenced by provisions in collective agreements that ensure low wages and minimal and infrequent wage increases, demanding availability requirements, and limitations to the number of hours of work, as well as experiential, as indicated in workplace dynamics such as competition between workers, high turnover, and reduced health and safety measures. During the period under study, several factors have contributed to the increase in precariousness in this sector. While unions have implemented a variety of strategies in an effort to mitigate precariousness in unionized supermarkets, the persistence of deeply ingrained business union cultures and practices make improving labour standards through collective bargaining difficult. Continued precariousness in unionized supermarkets and the persistence of business unionism point to the need for an interrogation of the cultures and practices within unions that may contribute to the ongoing precariousness in unionized supermarkets and the challenges facing unions in this sector. The complex nature of union decline in this sector also suggests that multiple forms of union action are required to improve labour standards in unionized supermarkets and the strength of unions more broadly.

Defines business and social unionism. Argues that the distinction between the two is not air tight, rather they intermingle. However, social unionism is essential for global solidarity. A revised version of the essay published in the first edition (2012).

[The authors] explore the state of labour politics in the wake of the COVID-19 pandemic. On the one hand, they argue the pandemic created an unprecedented opening for organization labour to build broader forms of solidarity around class-wide demands for the expansion of universal social protections like paid sick days, universal public child care, basic income and pharmacare, and to integrate gender and racial justice into these demands in new and important ways. On the other hand, they make the case that the differential impact of of the pandemic on various sections of the working class saw some unions eschew more universal strategies in favour of a more politically expedient defensive unionism aimed at protecting a narrow community of interest from the negative effects of the pandemic. --From editor's introduction.

In the wake of the COVID-19 pandemic, the need to re-establish the labour movement’s political capacity to exert collective power in ways that foster greater opportunity and equality for working-class people has taken on a greater sense of urgency. Understanding the strategic political possibilities and challenges facing the Canadian labour movement at this important moment in history is the central concern of this second edition of Rethinking the Politics of Labour in Canada. With new and revised essays by established and emerging scholars from a wide range of disciplines, this edited collection assesses the past, present and uncertain future of Canadian labour politics in the wake of the COVID-19 pandemic. Bringing together the traditional electoral-based aspects of labour politics with analyses of newer and rediscovered forms of working-class organization and social movement-influenced strategies, which have become increasingly important in the Canadian labour movement, this book seeks to take stock of these new forms of labour politics, understand their emergence and assess their potential impact on the future of labour in Canada. --Publisher's description. Contents: Part 1: Contextualizing Labour and Working-Class Politics. Canadian Labour and COVID-19 / Stephanie Ross and Larry Savage -- Business Unionism and Social Unionism in Theory and Practice / Stephanie Ross. Part 2: The Challenge of Electoral Politics. Struggling to Survive: The New Democratic Party and Labour in the Neoliberal Era / Alan Ernst and Bryan Evans -- Labour and Politics in Quebec / Peter Graefe -- Anybody but Conservative: Canadian Unions and Strategic Voting / Larry Savage. Part 3: The Prospects of Extra-Parliamentary Activism. Interrogating the Union Politics of Equity, Inclusion and Diversity / Winnie Ng and Carol Wall -- Which Side Are You On? Indigenous Peoples and Canada’s Labour Movement / Suzanne Mills and Tyler McCreary -- The Politics of Migrant Worker Organizing in Canada / Karl Gardner, Dani Magsumbol and Ethel Tungohan -- Community Unionism and Alt-Labour in Canada / Simon Black -- Canadian Labour and the Environment: Addressing the Value-Action Gap / Dennis Soron -- Class Struggle Goes to Court: Workers’ Rights and the Charter of Rights and Freedoms / Charles Smith and Alison Braley-Rattai.

This article explores the relationship between unionization and academic freedom protections for sessional faculty in Ontario universities. Specifically, we compare university policies and contract provisions with a view to determining whether unionized sessionals hired on a per-course basis have stronger academic freedom protections than their non-union counterparts. We then explore whether particular kinds of bargaining unit structures are more conducive to achieving stronger academic freedom provisions. Finally, we consider whether academic freedom can be exercised effectively by sessionals, whether unionized or not. We conclude that unionization does help to produce stronger academic freedom protections for sessional faculty and that faculty association bargaining unit structures are most likely to help deliver this outcome. We further conclude that academic freedom is difficult to exercise for sessional faculty, regardless of union status, but that unionization offers greater protections for sessionals facing repercussions as a result of asserting their academic freedom.